From ABS-CBN.COM
MANILA - The Supreme Court (SC) on Tuesday extended registration of voters for the May 10, 2010 elections to the second week of January 2010, according to early reports reaching abs-cbnNEWS.com/Newsbreak.
The decision is immediately executory, the Supreme Court sources said.
Kabataan party-list Rep. Raymond Palatino asked the Supreme Court last October 30 to move the deadline for voters' registration to January 9 as provided by law.
"We are questioning the legality of shortened voters' registration. According to Section 8 of the Voter Registration Act of 1996, registration should be daily and 120 days before election," Palatino had said. (Access petition here: http://tinyurl.com/yhyqwov )
"The deadline should be January 9. Congress, not Comelec, has the power to amend a law," he said.
The Commission on Elections (Comelec) had set the deadline for voters' registration to October 31 due to the demands of poll automation.
Only 3 million first-time voters
According to Palatino, National Statistics Office data shows there should be 11 million first-time voters, but only 3 million had registered.
Other petitioners were Jade Charmane Rose Valenzuela, Jacqueline Alexis Merced, Ana Katrina Tejero, Kenneth Carlisle Earl Eugenio, and Victor Louis Crisostomo, all first-time voters who tried but failed to register due various reasons.
They were joined by Alvin Peters, president of the National Union of Students of the Philippines (NUSP); Vijae Alquisola, president of the College Editors Guild of the Philippines (CEGP); Ken Leonard Ramos, chairperson of Anakbayan; and, Ma. Cristina Angela Guevarra, chairperson of the Student Christian Movement of the Philippines (SCMP).
At the House of Representatives, Palatino had filed three resolutions--House Resolutions 1162, 1443, and 1336--seeking the extension of voters’ registration. -- with a report from Carmela Fonbuena, abs-cbnNEWS.com/Newsbreak
Tuesday, December 15, 2009
Saturday, December 12, 2009
Never Again to Martial Law Online Petition
Our friends and kasamas abroad have launched an online petition against Martial Law in Maguindanao.
Its Background (Preamble):
We, the undersigned, say never again to martial law in any region of the Philippines under any circumstances. Never again should an authoritarian military regime rule with an iron fist over the Filipino people. Never again should democracy, civil liberties, and press freedom be suppressed.
Never again should the writ of habeas corpus be suspended by the Philippine government, allowing for warrantless raids, arrests, and seizures to be conducted by the Philippine military against innocent civilians in the Philippines. Never again should military commissions be created to take over the powers of civilian courts and the judicial system. Never again should individuals in disagreement with the Philippine government's policies be systematically assassinated or rounded up, imprisoned, and tortured just for their political beliefs. Never again should such a civilian-military dictatorship in the Philippines enjoy the backing of the US government. Click to continue reading...
Its Background (Preamble):
We, the undersigned, say never again to martial law in any region of the Philippines under any circumstances. Never again should an authoritarian military regime rule with an iron fist over the Filipino people. Never again should democracy, civil liberties, and press freedom be suppressed.
Never again should the writ of habeas corpus be suspended by the Philippine government, allowing for warrantless raids, arrests, and seizures to be conducted by the Philippine military against innocent civilians in the Philippines. Never again should military commissions be created to take over the powers of civilian courts and the judicial system. Never again should individuals in disagreement with the Philippine government's policies be systematically assassinated or rounded up, imprisoned, and tortured just for their political beliefs. Never again should such a civilian-military dictatorship in the Philippines enjoy the backing of the US government. Click to continue reading...
Thursday, December 10, 2009
Friday, October 23, 2009
Register to vote for 2010, Vote for Change!
October 31 is the last day of registration. If you have not registered yet, click here.
Know more about Panata 2010.
Thursday, October 15, 2009
BLOG ACTION DAY 2009: Filipino Bloggers take a stand on climate change
Today is Blog Action Day. Express your thoughts, concerns, posts, videos, photos, and links on climate change.
Blog Action Day is an annual event held every October 15 that unites the world’s bloggers in posting about the same issue on the same day with the aim of sparking discussion around an issue of global importance. Blog Action Day 2009 will be one of the largest-ever social change events on the web.
Climate change, a phenomenon that has wreaked havoc on a number of lives, continues to draw forth serious concerns worldwide. Let not this day pass without YOU joining us. If you wish to join this event, write a post on climate change today, Oct. 15 and place a link to this post.
You may also spread the word about Blog Action Day by placing this badge on your blog.
Tuesday, September 15, 2009
Kabataan Partylist said DepEd should be reprimanded for 'cutting classes'
Kabataan Party-list Representative Raymond “Mong” Palatino today lambasted the Department of Education's move to reduce the number of class hours in some public elementary schools, saying that the smaller learning load will only worsen the already sorry state of education in the country.
“Last we checked, students are punished if they cut classes. This time, the DepEd itself is driving students out of their classrooms. The DepEd deserves 'detention time' and should be reprimanded for this proposal," Palatino said.
The young solon said “While it is true that students are squatting on dirty floors in makeshift classrooms, this sorry state should not prompt our education officials to cut down the number of class hours. This will have an adverse impact on the quality of public education, especially since students taking national assessment tests have obtained failing marks during the past few years.”
Palatino also slammed the “integration” of subjects as it will only “confuse learners.”
“Remember that it is basic education we are talking about. Before we learn the connection between subjects, we should learn the basics, the fundamentals. Kung pagsasamahin ang mga subjects, hindi na malalaman ng bata kung ano ang pinagkaiba ng Hekasi sa MAPE,” he said.
Instead of reducing the number of class hours, Palatino said the government should prioritize and focus on building more classrooms and improving school facilities to make learning conducive to students. He said that shortages and the deterioration in the quality of education can be mainly be attributed to the "the government's continuous neglect of the education sector coupled with the numerous unresolved corruption cases within the DepEd that cut off a huge chunk of its already insufficient budget."
“The proposed 2010 budget for education hardly grew from the current budget. The government has been religiously implementing the 'limited or zero growth' in government spending recommended by the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank to tame the government deficit and ensure debt payments,” Palatino said.
Palatino cited a study conducted by the United Nations Education Scientific and Cultural Organization (Unesco) that class size in Philippine elementary schools stood at 1:43.9 while in Malaysia the figure is at 1:31.7, Thailand, 1:22.9, Japan, 1:28.6, and India 1:40.
The Unesco data also show that teacher-pupil ratio for the primary level in the Philippines (1:35) far exceeds that of Thailand (1:18), Malaysia (1:17), Indonesia (1:20), Japan (1:19), and China (1:18). ###
“Last we checked, students are punished if they cut classes. This time, the DepEd itself is driving students out of their classrooms. The DepEd deserves 'detention time' and should be reprimanded for this proposal," Palatino said.
The young solon said “While it is true that students are squatting on dirty floors in makeshift classrooms, this sorry state should not prompt our education officials to cut down the number of class hours. This will have an adverse impact on the quality of public education, especially since students taking national assessment tests have obtained failing marks during the past few years.”
Palatino also slammed the “integration” of subjects as it will only “confuse learners.”
“Remember that it is basic education we are talking about. Before we learn the connection between subjects, we should learn the basics, the fundamentals. Kung pagsasamahin ang mga subjects, hindi na malalaman ng bata kung ano ang pinagkaiba ng Hekasi sa MAPE,” he said.
Instead of reducing the number of class hours, Palatino said the government should prioritize and focus on building more classrooms and improving school facilities to make learning conducive to students. He said that shortages and the deterioration in the quality of education can be mainly be attributed to the "the government's continuous neglect of the education sector coupled with the numerous unresolved corruption cases within the DepEd that cut off a huge chunk of its already insufficient budget."
“The proposed 2010 budget for education hardly grew from the current budget. The government has been religiously implementing the 'limited or zero growth' in government spending recommended by the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank to tame the government deficit and ensure debt payments,” Palatino said.
Palatino cited a study conducted by the United Nations Education Scientific and Cultural Organization (Unesco) that class size in Philippine elementary schools stood at 1:43.9 while in Malaysia the figure is at 1:31.7, Thailand, 1:22.9, Japan, 1:28.6, and India 1:40.
The Unesco data also show that teacher-pupil ratio for the primary level in the Philippines (1:35) far exceeds that of Thailand (1:18), Malaysia (1:17), Indonesia (1:20), Japan (1:19), and China (1:18). ###
Monday, September 14, 2009
'Instead of text tax, cut down Arroyo's budget'
Kabataan Party-list Representative Raymond “Mong” Palatino today said that instead of slapping an excise tax on text messaging and other wireless services, Congress should re-channel questionable portions of the President's budget to the education sector.
“If the rationale behind the imposition of a five centavos text tax is to fund education, why not augment the education budget by getting a slice of the President's pie?” said Palatino, who is also convenor of the consumer rights group TxtPower.
The young solon said the Office of the President's four billion pesos budget for 2010 can still be cut down by removing unnecessary items such as salaries for presidential advisers, overly expensive junkets and other pump-priming projects.
Palatino proposed a cutback on the number of presidential advisers and redundant executives in order to save millions of pesos. “By 2008, the number of presidential advisers and consultants reached an all-time high of 49. Just what exactly are these advisers and consultants doing aside from receive salaries? Other cabinet officials, such as department heads and assistant secretaries can perform their functions anyway,” he said.
Palatino questioned the existence, for instance, of presidential advisers for Trade & Development, Infrastructure, Job Generation, and another for Food Security & Job Creation. “What is the difference in function of a Presidential Adviser on Job Generation to the Department of Labor and Employment Secretary? Kung pareho lang ang kanilang trabaho, hindi ba't nagiging sobra-sobra ang nagagastos sa sweldo?”
Citing a study by the United Nations Development Programme, he said the government could save as much as P58 million a year if it would remove all the redundant executives from the bureaucracy.
Palatino also questioned the President's P150 million in intelligence funds, which only she can approve for release, and the whopping P1 billion for the Commission on Information and Communications Technology's telecommunication's office, which merely functions to send telegrams.
Burden to the youth
Palatino said he is against the text tax as it would burden the country's 56 million cellphone users, majority of which are students and young workers heavily dependent on texting and other mobile services.
Palatino said, “Despite statements from the authors of the bill and House Speaker Propspero Nograles that the 'text tax should not add to the burdens of the tax paying public, these do not guarantee that consumers will not shoulder this additional burden,” said Palatino.
“It is also an irony,” Palatino said, “that the government wants to tax text when it promotes, at the same time, the people's use of SMS to send their queries and grievances to the government through its m-governance program.”
Earlier, Kabataan Partylist and TxtPower launched a “texter's revolt” against text tax. Palatino also urged netizens to join their Facebook cause No Tax on Text and email pro text tax congressmen Danilo Suarez and House Speaker Prospero Nograles.
“If the rationale behind the imposition of a five centavos text tax is to fund education, why not augment the education budget by getting a slice of the President's pie?” said Palatino, who is also convenor of the consumer rights group TxtPower.
The young solon said the Office of the President's four billion pesos budget for 2010 can still be cut down by removing unnecessary items such as salaries for presidential advisers, overly expensive junkets and other pump-priming projects.
Palatino proposed a cutback on the number of presidential advisers and redundant executives in order to save millions of pesos. “By 2008, the number of presidential advisers and consultants reached an all-time high of 49. Just what exactly are these advisers and consultants doing aside from receive salaries? Other cabinet officials, such as department heads and assistant secretaries can perform their functions anyway,” he said.
Palatino questioned the existence, for instance, of presidential advisers for Trade & Development, Infrastructure, Job Generation, and another for Food Security & Job Creation. “What is the difference in function of a Presidential Adviser on Job Generation to the Department of Labor and Employment Secretary? Kung pareho lang ang kanilang trabaho, hindi ba't nagiging sobra-sobra ang nagagastos sa sweldo?”
Citing a study by the United Nations Development Programme, he said the government could save as much as P58 million a year if it would remove all the redundant executives from the bureaucracy.
Palatino also questioned the President's P150 million in intelligence funds, which only she can approve for release, and the whopping P1 billion for the Commission on Information and Communications Technology's telecommunication's office, which merely functions to send telegrams.
Burden to the youth
Palatino said he is against the text tax as it would burden the country's 56 million cellphone users, majority of which are students and young workers heavily dependent on texting and other mobile services.
Palatino said, “Despite statements from the authors of the bill and House Speaker Propspero Nograles that the 'text tax should not add to the burdens of the tax paying public, these do not guarantee that consumers will not shoulder this additional burden,” said Palatino.
“It is also an irony,” Palatino said, “that the government wants to tax text when it promotes, at the same time, the people's use of SMS to send their queries and grievances to the government through its m-governance program.”
Earlier, Kabataan Partylist and TxtPower launched a “texter's revolt” against text tax. Palatino also urged netizens to join their Facebook cause No Tax on Text and email pro text tax congressmen Danilo Suarez and House Speaker Prospero Nograles.
Tuesday, September 8, 2009
Youth solon disapproves of House approval of “text tax” bill
Kabataan Party-list Representative Raymond “Mong” Palatino today disapproves of the approval by the House of Representatives in the committee level of a measure imposing a five-centavo excise tax on every text message, saying that the “no pass-on provision” is no assurance that consumers will not shoulder the additional burden.
"Despite statements from the authors of the bill and House Speaker Propspero Nograles that the “text tax'” should not add to the burdens of the tax paying public, these do not guarantee that consumers will not shoulder this additional burden."
Palatino said that the present deregulated telecommunications industry makes it virtually impossible for the government to impose the “no pass-on” provision. “The government is simply powerless to stop telcos from imposing new fees to consumers in light of the implementation of this new text tax,” he said.
Palatino also said that the profit-driven telecommunications companies may JUST invent new mechanisms to maintain their profiteering in lieu of a text tax. “The discovery of dagdag-bawas schemes of telcoms such as text scams, additional charges and vanishing cellphone loads have shown us that these telcos are not only abusive but creative as well. Because they are deregulated, they can easily circumvent the law,” he said.
Instead of introducing a tex tax, Palatino said the government should scrap its deregulation policy and closely monitor the excesses committed by telecommunications companies
"Despite statements from the authors of the bill and House Speaker Propspero Nograles that the “text tax'” should not add to the burdens of the tax paying public, these do not guarantee that consumers will not shoulder this additional burden."
Palatino said that the present deregulated telecommunications industry makes it virtually impossible for the government to impose the “no pass-on” provision. “The government is simply powerless to stop telcos from imposing new fees to consumers in light of the implementation of this new text tax,” he said.
Palatino also said that the profit-driven telecommunications companies may JUST invent new mechanisms to maintain their profiteering in lieu of a text tax. “The discovery of dagdag-bawas schemes of telcoms such as text scams, additional charges and vanishing cellphone loads have shown us that these telcos are not only abusive but creative as well. Because they are deregulated, they can easily circumvent the law,” he said.
Instead of introducing a tex tax, Palatino said the government should scrap its deregulation policy and closely monitor the excesses committed by telecommunications companies
Thursday, September 3, 2009
Kabataan Partylist Representative wants gov't to provide free education to children with special needs
Filipino children and youth with special needs shall receive free and appropriate public education if a bill filed by a young solon pushes through.
Kabataan Party-list Rep. Raymond “Mong” Palatino today filed House Bill 6771 or the “Free Special Education (SPED) Act of 2009” allowing free services for children and youth with special needs - from early diagnosis and intervention to basic and ongoing education.
Filipino children and youth with special needs include the gifted or talented, the mentally retarded, the visually impaired, the hearing impaired, the orthopedically or physically handicapped, the learning disabled, the speech defective, the children with behavior problems, the children with autism, and those with health problems.
“Like everyone else, children and youth with special needs have the right to participate and contribute to society. As such, it is the obligation of the State to ensure the equality of their access to social services and life-improvement opportunities, their full participation in decisions concerning their welfare, and the eventual possibility of their economic self-sufficiency,” Palatino said in the bill's explanatory note.
Citing a study by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, Palatino said SPED in the co untry lacks basic funding to be able to properly address the needs of special children and youth.
Under the HB 6771, a Bureau of SPED will be created to formulate and administrate of an appropriate curriculum and developmentally-suited programs to primarily achieve functional literacy of the students/children with special needs and enswe their integration to society. The SPED bureau shall also ensure adequate and free medical assistance to these children, including those essential to their rehabilitation like therapy, psychometric assessments and medical examinations.
Full text of HB 6771 at kabataanpartylist.com
Kabataan Party-list Rep. Raymond “Mong” Palatino today filed House Bill 6771 or the “Free Special Education (SPED) Act of 2009” allowing free services for children and youth with special needs - from early diagnosis and intervention to basic and ongoing education.
Filipino children and youth with special needs include the gifted or talented, the mentally retarded, the visually impaired, the hearing impaired, the orthopedically or physically handicapped, the learning disabled, the speech defective, the children with behavior problems, the children with autism, and those with health problems.
“Like everyone else, children and youth with special needs have the right to participate and contribute to society. As such, it is the obligation of the State to ensure the equality of their access to social services and life-improvement opportunities, their full participation in decisions concerning their welfare, and the eventual possibility of their economic self-sufficiency,” Palatino said in the bill's explanatory note.
Citing a study by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, Palatino said SPED in the co untry lacks basic funding to be able to properly address the needs of special children and youth.
Under the HB 6771, a Bureau of SPED will be created to formulate and administrate of an appropriate curriculum and developmentally-suited programs to primarily achieve functional literacy of the students/children with special needs and enswe their integration to society. The SPED bureau shall also ensure adequate and free medical assistance to these children, including those essential to their rehabilitation like therapy, psychometric assessments and medical examinations.
Full text of HB 6771 at kabataanpartylist.com
Tuesday, August 25, 2009
KABATAAN PARTYLIST PROPOSES EMPLOYEES' DAY-OFF FOR VOTERS' REGISTRATION
Kabataan Party-list Representative Raymond “Mong” Palatino today proposed a 'day-off with pay' for employees to allow them to register for the 2010 elections.
“Employees who work during office hours do not have time to register. By the time their shift ends, government offices conducting voters' registration have already closed. Companies should give their employees one day-off on or before the deadline for voters' registration to ensure that they will be able to participate in the 2010 polls, especially since most first-time workers are also first-time voters,” Palatino said.
Palatino cited the 100% Employee Voters Registration Program of Nexus, a Business Process Outsourcing Company, as an example of such an initiative. “While there are companies that launch voters' registration programs, it would be better if all companies are mandated by the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) to give their employees a whole day off for them to register,” he said.
Palatino said, “It would be better if employees who registered will be given incentives. Nexus, for instance, gives free tickets to Quentin Tarantino’s Inglourious Basterds for the first fifty employees who submit their official voter registration documents to the Human Resources department.”
Palatino said the Comelec is disturbingly “way off target,” citing the agency's data that as of latest, only 821,200 new voters have registered. “This is a far cry from Comelec's 3 million target come deadline, and even still an epic backlog from the estimated 5 million first-time voters in the country,” Palatino said.
Palatino said he would file a resolution later today directing the DOLE to require both private companies and government offices to implement a one-day-off for voters' registration before the October deadline.
This, he said, is part of their "1 milyon, 1 panata" voters' registration campaign, which aims to encourage one million first-time voters to register for the 2010 elections. Visit Isang Milyon, Isang Panata website for more details.
“Employees who work during office hours do not have time to register. By the time their shift ends, government offices conducting voters' registration have already closed. Companies should give their employees one day-off on or before the deadline for voters' registration to ensure that they will be able to participate in the 2010 polls, especially since most first-time workers are also first-time voters,” Palatino said.
Palatino cited the 100% Employee Voters Registration Program of Nexus, a Business Process Outsourcing Company, as an example of such an initiative. “While there are companies that launch voters' registration programs, it would be better if all companies are mandated by the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) to give their employees a whole day off for them to register,” he said.
Palatino said, “It would be better if employees who registered will be given incentives. Nexus, for instance, gives free tickets to Quentin Tarantino’s Inglourious Basterds for the first fifty employees who submit their official voter registration documents to the Human Resources department.”
Palatino said the Comelec is disturbingly “way off target,” citing the agency's data that as of latest, only 821,200 new voters have registered. “This is a far cry from Comelec's 3 million target come deadline, and even still an epic backlog from the estimated 5 million first-time voters in the country,” Palatino said.
Palatino said he would file a resolution later today directing the DOLE to require both private companies and government offices to implement a one-day-off for voters' registration before the October deadline.
This, he said, is part of their "1 milyon, 1 panata" voters' registration campaign, which aims to encourage one million first-time voters to register for the 2010 elections. Visit Isang Milyon, Isang Panata website for more details.
Sunday, August 23, 2009
Still I Rise by Maya Angelou
You may write me down in history
With your bitter, twisted lies,
You may trod me in the very dirt
But still, like dust, I'll rise.
Does my sassiness upset you?
Why are you beset with gloom?
'Cause I walk like I've got oil wells
Pumping in my living room.
Just like moons and like suns,
With the certainty of tides,
Just like hopes springing high,
Still I'll rise.
Did you want to see me broken?
Bowed head and lowered eyes?
Shoulders falling down like teardrops.
Weakened by my soulful cries.
Does my haughtiness offend you?
Don't you take it awful hard
'Cause I laugh like I've got gold mines
Diggin' in my own back yard.
You may shoot me with your words,
You may cut me with your eyes,
You may kill me with your hatefulness,
But still, like air, I'll rise.
Does my sexiness upset you?
Does it come as a surprise
That I dance like I've got diamonds
At the meeting of my thighs?
Out of the huts of history's shame
I rise
Up from a past that's rooted in pain
I rise
I'm a black ocean, leaping and wide,
Welling and swelling I bear in the tide.
Leaving behind nights of terror and fear
I rise
Into a daybreak that's wondrously clear
I rise
Bringing the gifts that my ancestors gave,
I am the dream and the hope of the slave.
I rise
I rise
I rise.
With your bitter, twisted lies,
You may trod me in the very dirt
But still, like dust, I'll rise.
Does my sassiness upset you?
Why are you beset with gloom?
'Cause I walk like I've got oil wells
Pumping in my living room.
Just like moons and like suns,
With the certainty of tides,
Just like hopes springing high,
Still I'll rise.
Did you want to see me broken?
Bowed head and lowered eyes?
Shoulders falling down like teardrops.
Weakened by my soulful cries.
Does my haughtiness offend you?
Don't you take it awful hard
'Cause I laugh like I've got gold mines
Diggin' in my own back yard.
You may shoot me with your words,
You may cut me with your eyes,
You may kill me with your hatefulness,
But still, like air, I'll rise.
Does my sexiness upset you?
Does it come as a surprise
That I dance like I've got diamonds
At the meeting of my thighs?
Out of the huts of history's shame
I rise
Up from a past that's rooted in pain
I rise
I'm a black ocean, leaping and wide,
Welling and swelling I bear in the tide.
Leaving behind nights of terror and fear
I rise
Into a daybreak that's wondrously clear
I rise
Bringing the gifts that my ancestors gave,
I am the dream and the hope of the slave.
I rise
I rise
I rise.
Wednesday, August 19, 2009
Isang Milyon, Isang Panata
Join us in our campaign to gather 1 million signatures of young voters. This campaign serves as a vow to actively participate and campaign for a clean and honest 2010 elections. For more info, click this.
Tuesday, August 18, 2009
The Call of Call Centers
Privilege Speech of Rep. Raymond “Mong” Palatino
Delivered on August 17, 2009
Mr. Speaker, distinguished colleagues, I rise on behalf of fellow young Filipinos denied of their dreams and were forced to enter the illusory world of call centers.
The tale of Filipino youths setting aside their childhood dreams to enter the call center industry is fast becoming a common story. More and more young Filipinos are being lured into working in a call center regardless of their educational background. A starting salary of P15,000 on average is indeed attractive, not to mention the signing bonus and incentives for good work performance.
As the global financial crisis sweeps ominously into Asian shores, the Philippine government has continuously promoted and relied on the Business Processing Outsourcing (BPO) industry to provide opportunities to millions of jobless Filipinos. The number of jobs generated grew robustly from 99,000 workers in 2004 to 372,000 workers in 2008, most of them in their 20s.
For the government, the BPO sector is a major contributor in terms of revenues and employment generation. From $350 million in 2001, revenues generated from the BPO sector surged to $6 billion in 2008. The government was quick to conclude that the BPO sector is poised to benefit from the global recession.
This has prompted both the administration and the vanguards of globalization to brand the BPO sector as the “sunshine industry.”
But there is a need, Mr. Speaker, to bust the myth surrounding the so-called sunshine industry. For behind the seemingly innocuous statistics and improving figures lie tales of exploitation, false hopes, and dim working conditions inside the call center.
Totoong mas mataas ang tinatanggap na suweldo ng isang call center agent kumpara sa isang regular na manggagawa. In reality, foreign companies are exploiting our cheap labor. The average annual salary of a call center agent in the Philippines is $3,964. This is lower than Thailand’s $4,874, Malaysia’s $5,199, and Singapore’s $16,884. Kung totoong tayo ang binansagang “Offshoring Destination of the Year” noong 2007, bakit kakarampot lamang ang sahod ng call center agents natin kumpara sa ating mga kapitbahay?
Companies in developed countries benefit immensely from this set-up. By taking advantage of highly-skilled and low-value labor in poorer economies such as ours, foreign firms gain an estimated net savings of 20-40 percent on labor costs.
Despite the relatively decent pay and seemingly rich rewards, job tenure in the call center industry, as labor economist Clarence Pascual puts it, is “as transient as the phone calls that agents make or take.”
This is evident in the industry’s high attrition rates or the proportion of the workforce that leaves a company or industry. The Call Center Association of the Philippines pegs the turnover rate in the country at 60-80 percent, the highest in the world.
According to a multi-country survey conducted by Callcentres.net, full-time call center agents stay in a contact center for a brief 22 months, while part-time agents stay for an even shorter 10 months.
This is an international figure, Mr. Speaker. In the Philippines, where most of the call centers are outsourced, offshore and non-unionized, the situation is even worse: 60 percent of call center workers stay in a company for only a year or less.
As more employees leave the industry, the demand for replacements becomes constant. According to an article in Newsbreak magazine, for every employee hired to fill in a new seat, another two employees must be hired to replace the seats vacated by those who left. How apt, Mr. Speaker, that this industry is marked by “hellos” and “goodbyes.”
The culprit: poor quality of jobs at the call center. A survey by the Call Center Project based at Cornell University in New York shows that the high attrition rate is caused by a low job quality in call centers. The study revealed that 67 percent of agents found in 39 percent of call centers work in low to very low quality jobs.
The Call Center Project survey points out that worker turnover and quit rates are higher as job discretion or the agent’s “sense of control” becomes lower and monitoring on the job becomes more intense. Low job discretion and high performance monitoring contribute to employee stress and rapid job burnout.
Mr. Speaker, distinguished colleagues, the job of a call center agent is not that all fancy nor ideal. For it is in the very nature of the call center job to be exploitative.
Call centers—vendors in indsutry parlance—provide services, such as customer service, sales, technical support, on behalf of client companies. They compete for accounts from companies that ousource some of their functions. In this competitive arena, the agent is stuck between two contrasting interests—he or she must keep costs low for the client while ensuring profits for the call center.
In this set-up, quantitative targets are laid down by clients to reduce costs and increase productivity, giving them the upper hand. In the call center industry, everything is measured.
Thus, call center agents work the phones for the entire duration of their work shift. Unlike our jobs, where we have time to read newspapers or chat with our officemates, the job of a call center agent is one of isolation. The calls just keep coming in, and one has no choice but to pick up to phone.
Moreover, one faces punitive measures, such as forced leave, suspension or even termination, for failing to meet productivity targets, which serve as basis for staff assessment and promotions.
To ensure the targets are met, clients even enforce remote monitoring of actual calls. Supervisors track an agent’s use of time, from call handling time to time spent on “after call work” and break time. Recorded calls are scored for quality on a monthly or weekly basis. A low score translates to a corrective action memo, which can cost one’s job. Consequently, monitoring becomes a constant source of anxiety for workers.
Since monitoring and evaluation are done remotely, penalized workers do not have enough opportunity to appeal disciplinary actions. A 22-year old agent says in their company, even tenured workers issued with corrective action memos get terminated.
According to a survey by a labor research center, only a 10-minute per day period is allowed for personal use, such as going to the restroom. This becomes difficult for the workers since a cold workplace temperature encourages frequent urination. Female agents, thus, usually suffer from urinary tract infection.
Since the United States is the biggest market of BPO industry, this requires call center operations during the evening. The call center sub-sector is changing the nightlife of Manila. Bars, restaurants and convenience stores are open every morning to accommodate the night workers.
But the graveyard shift has become a major source of difficulty and dissatisfaction for a lot of agents as their day-to-day routines are turned upside down. Medical specialists point out that disrupting the body clock can cause manic depression and heart problems.
Weekends and holidays are also rarely off, since the calendar being followed is that of the clients, resulting in very rare family time for married agents. Meanwhile, compulsory overtime or extended time is also prevalent.
The Department of Health has warned against this work schedule, aggravated by an intense and exhaustive workload. DOH warned that persons working in the graveyard shift are vulnerable to various diseases, including hypertension, cardiovascular illnesses, tuberculosis and sexually transmitted diseases. Foreign studies have even shown that graveyard shifts can increase the risk of cancer among women workers.
Noong isang taon, Mr. Speaker, ibinalita sa TV Patrol World ang pagkamatay ng isang call center agent. Siya ay si Dingdong Flores, inatake ng hypertension habang nasa trabaho. Siya ay na-coma bago pa mahatid sa ospital.
The DOLE has made separate studies on health risks associated with call center work. Both studies show high incidence of eyestrains symptoms, muskuloskeletal symptoms, voice disorders, hearing problems.
Since most call centers employ first-time and young workers who are hesitant to complain, these health problems may even be an underestimation of the true state of health among workers.
Such health hazards explain high rates of absenteeism in the industry. Consequently, call centers have adopted punitive attendance policies. In some call centers, eight absences over a six-month period constitute grounds for termination.
While they are entitled to sick leave, workers find difficulty in securing the supervisor’s approval.
BPO employees are also deprived of socialization opportunities with family and friends. Dr. Prandya Kulkarni, who writes for United Press International Asia, adds that young BPO workers, who receive high salaries, do not have the maturity and emotional capability to handle their wealth. This “sudden wealth syndrome” has led to such high-risk behaviors as loose sexual practices, drug addictions and alcohol abuse.
Another alarming reality in the call center industry is the absence of unions. Unionism is covertly and overtly discouraged, if not forbidden. Foreign employees warn that if unions in call centers will be allowed, they will leave the Philippines. Workers’ contracts clearly stipulate that forming or joining a union is prohibited.
Such a repressive practice, Mr. Speaker, is a clear violation of the Philippine Labor Law, where it is stated that every worker has the right to form and join a union. Isn’t it ironic, Mr. Speaker, how our call center workers are rendered voiceless in a voice industry?
Habang inilalahad natin ang mga suliraning ito, habang inihahanda natin ang ating mga sarili sa pagtatapos ng araw na ito, magsisimula pa lamang ang araw ng libu-libo nating manggagawa sa call center. Nawa’y huwag dumating ang panahon na ang isasagot ng ating mga kabataan sa tanong na “What do you want to be when you grow up?” ay maging isang call center agent.
Anong klaseng mga mamamayan ang mahuhubog ng sistemang ito? Anong klase ng kaalaman ang ating ikikintal sa ating mga kabataan, na siyang mamumuno sa ating bayan? Paano nila paglilingkuran ang bayan kung ang tangi nilang alam ay tumugon sa daing ng mga dayuhan?
Nakakabahala, Mr. Speaker, ang kuwento ng isang manggagawa na tatlong taon nang nagtratrabaho sa call center. Ayon sa kaniya, “a plague is raging among the youth working in the call center industry” and that is apathy. Dagdag niya, nabubuhay ang mga call center agent sa isang mundong batbat ng kawalang-pakialam. Ang tangi nilang sinusunod ay ang dikta ng orasan, ang dikta ng makina. Tila hindi na sila kabahagi sa mga isyung panlipunan.
Sa kasalukyan, kinakaharap ng BPO industry ang kakulangan ng skilled workers, ng mga kabataang mahusay mag-Ingles. The government is now tinkering with the educational system to address the needs of the BPO industry. President Arroyo has mandated the use of English language as the medium of instruction in schools.
But such measures can only do so much to address employment problems in the country.
At the minimum, the government should ensure the implementation of our labor code, which aims to protect our workers and guarantee their right to organization and humane working conditions.
Call centers should respect our labor code. Bukod sa pagtuturo ng American accent, dapat ding ipaalam ng mga kumpanyang ito sa ating mga aplikante ang kanilang mga karapatan bilang empleyado.
Ngayong nauuso ang call centers, napapanahong bumuo tayo ng batas na magtitiyak sa kanilang mga karapatan. Sa kagyat, ito ang ating maiiambag sa libu-libong kabataang pinasok at balak pasukin ang BPO industry.
The government should not use the seemingly rosy statistics of the BPO sector to conclude that we have a strong economy. Ultimately, it is dangerous to exaggerate the importance of the BPO industry. The government should put more emphasis on propelling the domestic economy as a whole rather than making public institutions and laws serve the needs of BPO companies.
Thank you Mr. Speaker, distinguished colleagues.
Delivered on August 17, 2009
Mr. Speaker, distinguished colleagues, I rise on behalf of fellow young Filipinos denied of their dreams and were forced to enter the illusory world of call centers.
The tale of Filipino youths setting aside their childhood dreams to enter the call center industry is fast becoming a common story. More and more young Filipinos are being lured into working in a call center regardless of their educational background. A starting salary of P15,000 on average is indeed attractive, not to mention the signing bonus and incentives for good work performance.
As the global financial crisis sweeps ominously into Asian shores, the Philippine government has continuously promoted and relied on the Business Processing Outsourcing (BPO) industry to provide opportunities to millions of jobless Filipinos. The number of jobs generated grew robustly from 99,000 workers in 2004 to 372,000 workers in 2008, most of them in their 20s.
For the government, the BPO sector is a major contributor in terms of revenues and employment generation. From $350 million in 2001, revenues generated from the BPO sector surged to $6 billion in 2008. The government was quick to conclude that the BPO sector is poised to benefit from the global recession.
This has prompted both the administration and the vanguards of globalization to brand the BPO sector as the “sunshine industry.”
But there is a need, Mr. Speaker, to bust the myth surrounding the so-called sunshine industry. For behind the seemingly innocuous statistics and improving figures lie tales of exploitation, false hopes, and dim working conditions inside the call center.
Totoong mas mataas ang tinatanggap na suweldo ng isang call center agent kumpara sa isang regular na manggagawa. In reality, foreign companies are exploiting our cheap labor. The average annual salary of a call center agent in the Philippines is $3,964. This is lower than Thailand’s $4,874, Malaysia’s $5,199, and Singapore’s $16,884. Kung totoong tayo ang binansagang “Offshoring Destination of the Year” noong 2007, bakit kakarampot lamang ang sahod ng call center agents natin kumpara sa ating mga kapitbahay?
Companies in developed countries benefit immensely from this set-up. By taking advantage of highly-skilled and low-value labor in poorer economies such as ours, foreign firms gain an estimated net savings of 20-40 percent on labor costs.
Despite the relatively decent pay and seemingly rich rewards, job tenure in the call center industry, as labor economist Clarence Pascual puts it, is “as transient as the phone calls that agents make or take.”
This is evident in the industry’s high attrition rates or the proportion of the workforce that leaves a company or industry. The Call Center Association of the Philippines pegs the turnover rate in the country at 60-80 percent, the highest in the world.
According to a multi-country survey conducted by Callcentres.net, full-time call center agents stay in a contact center for a brief 22 months, while part-time agents stay for an even shorter 10 months.
This is an international figure, Mr. Speaker. In the Philippines, where most of the call centers are outsourced, offshore and non-unionized, the situation is even worse: 60 percent of call center workers stay in a company for only a year or less.
As more employees leave the industry, the demand for replacements becomes constant. According to an article in Newsbreak magazine, for every employee hired to fill in a new seat, another two employees must be hired to replace the seats vacated by those who left. How apt, Mr. Speaker, that this industry is marked by “hellos” and “goodbyes.”
The culprit: poor quality of jobs at the call center. A survey by the Call Center Project based at Cornell University in New York shows that the high attrition rate is caused by a low job quality in call centers. The study revealed that 67 percent of agents found in 39 percent of call centers work in low to very low quality jobs.
The Call Center Project survey points out that worker turnover and quit rates are higher as job discretion or the agent’s “sense of control” becomes lower and monitoring on the job becomes more intense. Low job discretion and high performance monitoring contribute to employee stress and rapid job burnout.
Mr. Speaker, distinguished colleagues, the job of a call center agent is not that all fancy nor ideal. For it is in the very nature of the call center job to be exploitative.
Call centers—vendors in indsutry parlance—provide services, such as customer service, sales, technical support, on behalf of client companies. They compete for accounts from companies that ousource some of their functions. In this competitive arena, the agent is stuck between two contrasting interests—he or she must keep costs low for the client while ensuring profits for the call center.
In this set-up, quantitative targets are laid down by clients to reduce costs and increase productivity, giving them the upper hand. In the call center industry, everything is measured.
Thus, call center agents work the phones for the entire duration of their work shift. Unlike our jobs, where we have time to read newspapers or chat with our officemates, the job of a call center agent is one of isolation. The calls just keep coming in, and one has no choice but to pick up to phone.
Moreover, one faces punitive measures, such as forced leave, suspension or even termination, for failing to meet productivity targets, which serve as basis for staff assessment and promotions.
To ensure the targets are met, clients even enforce remote monitoring of actual calls. Supervisors track an agent’s use of time, from call handling time to time spent on “after call work” and break time. Recorded calls are scored for quality on a monthly or weekly basis. A low score translates to a corrective action memo, which can cost one’s job. Consequently, monitoring becomes a constant source of anxiety for workers.
Since monitoring and evaluation are done remotely, penalized workers do not have enough opportunity to appeal disciplinary actions. A 22-year old agent says in their company, even tenured workers issued with corrective action memos get terminated.
According to a survey by a labor research center, only a 10-minute per day period is allowed for personal use, such as going to the restroom. This becomes difficult for the workers since a cold workplace temperature encourages frequent urination. Female agents, thus, usually suffer from urinary tract infection.
Since the United States is the biggest market of BPO industry, this requires call center operations during the evening. The call center sub-sector is changing the nightlife of Manila. Bars, restaurants and convenience stores are open every morning to accommodate the night workers.
But the graveyard shift has become a major source of difficulty and dissatisfaction for a lot of agents as their day-to-day routines are turned upside down. Medical specialists point out that disrupting the body clock can cause manic depression and heart problems.
Weekends and holidays are also rarely off, since the calendar being followed is that of the clients, resulting in very rare family time for married agents. Meanwhile, compulsory overtime or extended time is also prevalent.
The Department of Health has warned against this work schedule, aggravated by an intense and exhaustive workload. DOH warned that persons working in the graveyard shift are vulnerable to various diseases, including hypertension, cardiovascular illnesses, tuberculosis and sexually transmitted diseases. Foreign studies have even shown that graveyard shifts can increase the risk of cancer among women workers.
Noong isang taon, Mr. Speaker, ibinalita sa TV Patrol World ang pagkamatay ng isang call center agent. Siya ay si Dingdong Flores, inatake ng hypertension habang nasa trabaho. Siya ay na-coma bago pa mahatid sa ospital.
The DOLE has made separate studies on health risks associated with call center work. Both studies show high incidence of eyestrains symptoms, muskuloskeletal symptoms, voice disorders, hearing problems.
Since most call centers employ first-time and young workers who are hesitant to complain, these health problems may even be an underestimation of the true state of health among workers.
Such health hazards explain high rates of absenteeism in the industry. Consequently, call centers have adopted punitive attendance policies. In some call centers, eight absences over a six-month period constitute grounds for termination.
While they are entitled to sick leave, workers find difficulty in securing the supervisor’s approval.
BPO employees are also deprived of socialization opportunities with family and friends. Dr. Prandya Kulkarni, who writes for United Press International Asia, adds that young BPO workers, who receive high salaries, do not have the maturity and emotional capability to handle their wealth. This “sudden wealth syndrome” has led to such high-risk behaviors as loose sexual practices, drug addictions and alcohol abuse.
Another alarming reality in the call center industry is the absence of unions. Unionism is covertly and overtly discouraged, if not forbidden. Foreign employees warn that if unions in call centers will be allowed, they will leave the Philippines. Workers’ contracts clearly stipulate that forming or joining a union is prohibited.
Such a repressive practice, Mr. Speaker, is a clear violation of the Philippine Labor Law, where it is stated that every worker has the right to form and join a union. Isn’t it ironic, Mr. Speaker, how our call center workers are rendered voiceless in a voice industry?
Habang inilalahad natin ang mga suliraning ito, habang inihahanda natin ang ating mga sarili sa pagtatapos ng araw na ito, magsisimula pa lamang ang araw ng libu-libo nating manggagawa sa call center. Nawa’y huwag dumating ang panahon na ang isasagot ng ating mga kabataan sa tanong na “What do you want to be when you grow up?” ay maging isang call center agent.
Anong klaseng mga mamamayan ang mahuhubog ng sistemang ito? Anong klase ng kaalaman ang ating ikikintal sa ating mga kabataan, na siyang mamumuno sa ating bayan? Paano nila paglilingkuran ang bayan kung ang tangi nilang alam ay tumugon sa daing ng mga dayuhan?
Nakakabahala, Mr. Speaker, ang kuwento ng isang manggagawa na tatlong taon nang nagtratrabaho sa call center. Ayon sa kaniya, “a plague is raging among the youth working in the call center industry” and that is apathy. Dagdag niya, nabubuhay ang mga call center agent sa isang mundong batbat ng kawalang-pakialam. Ang tangi nilang sinusunod ay ang dikta ng orasan, ang dikta ng makina. Tila hindi na sila kabahagi sa mga isyung panlipunan.
Sa kasalukyan, kinakaharap ng BPO industry ang kakulangan ng skilled workers, ng mga kabataang mahusay mag-Ingles. The government is now tinkering with the educational system to address the needs of the BPO industry. President Arroyo has mandated the use of English language as the medium of instruction in schools.
But such measures can only do so much to address employment problems in the country.
At the minimum, the government should ensure the implementation of our labor code, which aims to protect our workers and guarantee their right to organization and humane working conditions.
Call centers should respect our labor code. Bukod sa pagtuturo ng American accent, dapat ding ipaalam ng mga kumpanyang ito sa ating mga aplikante ang kanilang mga karapatan bilang empleyado.
Ngayong nauuso ang call centers, napapanahong bumuo tayo ng batas na magtitiyak sa kanilang mga karapatan. Sa kagyat, ito ang ating maiiambag sa libu-libong kabataang pinasok at balak pasukin ang BPO industry.
The government should not use the seemingly rosy statistics of the BPO sector to conclude that we have a strong economy. Ultimately, it is dangerous to exaggerate the importance of the BPO industry. The government should put more emphasis on propelling the domestic economy as a whole rather than making public institutions and laws serve the needs of BPO companies.
Thank you Mr. Speaker, distinguished colleagues.
Thursday, August 13, 2009
How lavish can it be?
As soon as Filipinos came to know of GMA’s and companions’ lavish dinner at a posh restaurant in New York, criticisms hurled at them came left and right. Time and again, her most rabid supporters spoke on her behalf, defending GMA like true slaves and ardent followers. The case in New York is just but one of the trips abroad by GMA with members of the First Family, cabinet officials, pro-administration Senators and like-minded Congressmen lugging behind, and surely brandishing taxpayer’s money with their many dine-outs. But the fact of the knowledge, first circulating in blogs, came to the public’s knowledge, which added more to the disgust and abomination of many Filipinos, who eke out on a few kilo of rice, noodles and tuyo as staple food.
Photograph: Romeo Gacad/AFP/Getty Images
Malacañang was quick to react and instinctively, readily concocted scapegoats to own up to the bill. First, it was Rep. Romualdez, and then Rep. Suarez echoed what was supposed to be a believable lie –that it was they who footed the bill, that no taxpayer's money was used, etc, etc. Now would anyone buy their alibi?
What isolated GMA more is that this ostentatious dinner happened in the midst of the late President Cory Aquino’s family opting to forego a state funeral that would cost the government a considerable amount of taxpayer’s money.
Another irony is, GMA boasts in her SONA that her program Hunger Mitigation Program aims to address the fast rising hunger rate in the country, with the President taking into consideration reports made by the Social Weather Station that said "Hunger has quadrupled since 2003.” Adding insult to the injury as a cliché goes.
In 2008, our country was ranked 5th in a survey by Gallup International-Voice of the People. The report said four out of every ten Filipinos have very little or no food at all on their tables from the past year.
For many Filipinos, what was reported recently – which Palace officials simply refer to as exaggerated, is a validation of how flamboyant and grandiose this present administration has become at the expense of the toiling masses.
To name a few of the dubious projects this present administration embarked on – the NBN-ZTE deal, if not exposed prematurely, would surely make a few privy officials a hundred times richer; roads constructed are being padded brazenly; millions of pesos spent for the repair of the House of Representatives in the recently concluded SONA; trips abroad with a hefty entourage; dinners, gowns, vehicles.
Indeed, where there is pomposity, corruption skulks. Where there is corruption, grandiosity lurks. This we learned from the past.
Photograph: Romeo Gacad/AFP/Getty Images
Malacañang was quick to react and instinctively, readily concocted scapegoats to own up to the bill. First, it was Rep. Romualdez, and then Rep. Suarez echoed what was supposed to be a believable lie –that it was they who footed the bill, that no taxpayer's money was used, etc, etc. Now would anyone buy their alibi?
What isolated GMA more is that this ostentatious dinner happened in the midst of the late President Cory Aquino’s family opting to forego a state funeral that would cost the government a considerable amount of taxpayer’s money.
Another irony is, GMA boasts in her SONA that her program Hunger Mitigation Program aims to address the fast rising hunger rate in the country, with the President taking into consideration reports made by the Social Weather Station that said "Hunger has quadrupled since 2003.” Adding insult to the injury as a cliché goes.
In 2008, our country was ranked 5th in a survey by Gallup International-Voice of the People. The report said four out of every ten Filipinos have very little or no food at all on their tables from the past year.
For many Filipinos, what was reported recently – which Palace officials simply refer to as exaggerated, is a validation of how flamboyant and grandiose this present administration has become at the expense of the toiling masses.
To name a few of the dubious projects this present administration embarked on – the NBN-ZTE deal, if not exposed prematurely, would surely make a few privy officials a hundred times richer; roads constructed are being padded brazenly; millions of pesos spent for the repair of the House of Representatives in the recently concluded SONA; trips abroad with a hefty entourage; dinners, gowns, vehicles.
Indeed, where there is pomposity, corruption skulks. Where there is corruption, grandiosity lurks. This we learned from the past.
Tuesday, August 4, 2009
Cory's last political statement against Con Ass
As we pay our last respect to former President Cory Aquino, allow me to share her last and strongly-worded political statement read by grandson Kiko Dee last June 10, 2009 at the anti-Con Ass rally in Makati City.
Minamahal kong mga kababayan,
Ikinalulungkot ko na hindi ko kayo makakasama ngayon, ngunit kahit na mahina ang aking katawan, matatag pa rin ang aking paninindigan na tutulan ang katiwalian.
Over the years, I have learned to endure pain and sadness–first, when Ninoy was separated from us by the hand of a dictator; then, when he was taken from us by the hand of an assassin; and now that I have placed myself at the hands of a merciful God.
But perhaps there is nothing that causes me greater pain than to see our people betrayed again and again by those they have elected to lead and serve them. To those of us who had fought long and hard to restore our democracy, the pain deepens at the thought that all our gains have so quickly been eroded.
Nang mapalayas natin ang diktador, hindi ba’t ipinangako nating hindi na tayo papayag na mawala muli ang ating kalayaan? Subalit, narito muli tayo, sa gitna ng walang-hiyang pang-aabuso ng mga makapangyarihang nagnanais na sirain ang mga pinakapayak sa ating mga batas.
Hindi ito ang pamumunong nararapat para sa atin. Hindi ito ang lipunang nais kong ipamana sa mga susunod na henerasyon, kaya sa ngalan nila at ng aking sarili bilang mga mamamayang Pilipino, tumututol ako sa nais ng mga tiwaling miyembro ng kamara na palitan ang ating Saligang-Batas sa pamamagitan ng isang Constituent Assembly. At nananawagan ako sa inyo at sa lahat ng mga Pilipino na magpahayag ng ating pagprotesta rito.
Nasa inyo po ang tunay na kapangyarihan sa ating demokrasya. Huwag n’yo pong payagang manumbalik ang mga pamamaraan ng mga diktador. Tutulan po natin ang Con-Ass! At ipagdasal po natin ang ating Inang Bayan.
Mabuhay ang sambayanang Pilipino! Maraming salamat po.
Monday, July 20, 2009
A Legacy of Bribes, Betrayal and Blatant Corruption
In 2005, on the same day that she delivered her State of the Nation Address (SONA) with the declaration to ‘start the great debate on charter change,’ President Arroyo awarded a million-dollar contract to an American lobbying firm ‘to secure grants and US congressional earmarks’ for her administration’s moves to transform government ‘…into a parliamentary federal system.’
The said controversial contract with Venable LPP, one of US’ top law firms, cost $75,000 a month, or $900,000 (P50.4 million) for 12 months. This amount did not include ‘costs for travel, telephone, fax, and copying, etc, and professional services’ of up to $720 per hour for Venable’s senior associates.
The Venable LPP contract did not state why US support for charter change was needed at all, or what specific charter amendments the government needed the firm’s support for. It, however, stipulated the inclusion of lobbying for loans and grants from the US government, particularly assistance to improve the capabilities of the Philippine military and police.
What was most disconcerting, however, was the nature by which the contract was approved. Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita, whose job is to know and manage contracts authorized by the president, initially denied knowledge of the deal. Instead, it was National Security Adviser Norberto Gonzales Jr. who signed the three-page agreement as the authorized representative of the president.
The contract also did not specify which government agency would be paying for Venable’s services. Gonzales’ National Security Council’s budget for 2005 was just P49 million and the agency’s approved intelligence fund was a mere P2 million. Congress did not appropriate funds for it and, according to critics, “charter change does not fall under national security.”
Also, apart from Gonzales, few knew about the existence of the contract. Even Gonzales’ deputies and staff, as well as senior foreign affairs officials, were kept in the dark about the deal.
The contract, done and approved in such haste and secrecy, was signed at a time when the government, which itself admitted, was reeling from a fiscal crisis brought about by an enormous budget deficit and was calling on the public to enforce belt-tightening measures.
Four years later, and with another SONA coming, the Venable LPP contract deal has just become another case of the Arroyo administration getting tangled up in blatant corruption and misuse of public funds but the officials involved escaping accountability by immersing themselves in self-imposed obscurity.
This tactic, with the government admitting to an extent of there being a crime but always with no criminals held accountable, has caused youth disillusionment with the Arroyo administration in the last nine years.
Tongpats and kickbacks
The government has lost its moral ascendancy to govern due to the long list of scandals, electoral fraud and corruption issues that have mired its rule. The Arroyo administration has long ceased to perform as a role model government for the youth. It has caused the widespread disillusionment among young people and has been a disappointment to the youth's desire to instill reforms in government.
Among the most high-profile of controversial deals and overpriced projects were the ZTE Broadband deal, the Joc-Joc Bolante fertilizer scam, the IMPSA (Indistrias Metalurgicas Pescarmona Sociedad Anonima) Hydro-Electric Power Plant deal, the overpriced Diosdado Macapagal Boulevard, the CyberEd project, PAGCOR cash cow, Jancom Environment Contract overpricing, the Ginintuang Masaganang Ani Agricultural Fund which was allegedly used for Arroyo’s election campaign funds, and the distribution of Philhealth cards as Arroyo’s campaign paraphernalia.
These do not yet include misused or unaccounted charity funds, donations for victims of calamities, and other funds of the Office of the President, as attested by the Commission on Audit. Among them:
Cost of undistributed textbooks by the Department of Education – P329 million
Cost of undistributed/unaccounted cash advances for government officials, employees and local government units – P615 milyon or
P77 million for officials
P29.5 million for employess
P508 million for ‘other receivables’
Cost of unaccounted loans disbursed by the Presidential Social Fund (from profits of the Philippine Amusement ang Gaming Corporation or PAGCOR) – P269 milyon or
P216 million for the “Isang Bayan, Isang Produkto, Isang Milyon” project of the Office of the President
P53 million of disbursed loans unaccounted for
Cost of donations and charity funds received by the Office of the President – P65 million or
P7.1 milyon for victims of the Southern Leyte landslide
P35.6 million for the Office of the President's Socio-Economic Projects
P20 million for relief and rehabilitation of Albay
But, these, according to COA were diverted to:
Burial expenses – P795,000
Hotel expenses – P815,000
Beautification of the Malacanang Golf Course – P900,000
Summit conferences – P3 million
Donation to an undisclosed foundation – P4 million
Other questionable transactions include:
Cost of ‘improperly recorded’ funds earmarked for LGUs, government corporations and pro-administration non-government organizations – P112 million
Cost of the President's trust fund named the President Social Fund-Livelihood Assistance Program in the Land Bank of the Philippines – P48.9 million Cost of unaccounted expenses for office supplies acquired by the Office of the President – P70 million
Cost of expenses of the Office of the President submitted as inventory to the COA – P14 million or
P726,339.39 – merchandise
P264,155.15 – drugs, medicines
P152,286.56 – medical, dental, and laboratory supplies
P3,511,843.18 – gasoline, oil, lubricants
P8,788,899.79 – other supplies
P52,474.00 – livestock
Cost of Malacanang's expense accounts for property, plant and equipment (that do not match with COA records) – P950 million
But according to COA -
• “There was no physical count of the Merchandise Inventory and Livestock Inventory since the balances of these were carried in the book s of accounts and non-moving since 2000."
• “Drugs and Medicines Inventory have been immediately issued upon receipt."
• “Gasoline, Oil, and Lubricants Inventory had never been inventoried semi-annually or annually."
• “In the absence of the physical count, the reliability of the balance of inventories is doubtful."
Junior military officers and some military groups have also long expressed discontent over anomalous procurement deals and arrangements which have led to numerous coup attempts and military breakaway groups.
FG connections
Aside from overpriced projects, the First Family, especially First Gentleman Mike Arroyo, has also figured in numerous questionable and immoral businesses such as alleged money-laundering under the Jose Pidal bank account, hidden wealth of the Arroyo family in San Francisco according to Sen. Alan Peter Cayetano, connections to jueteng operations through Jueteng Lord Bong Pineda and other shadowy connections.
The latest of which would be the Smartmatic-TIM poll automation deal approved by the Commission on Elections which is off to tainted start because of the players’ being linked to FG. The FG connection has established a conjecture and instilled public distrust in the players involved.
Comelec should immediately divulge the terms of TIM and Smartmatic’s reconciliation. How did they finally come to terms with the nature of their deal? Until these details are not revealed, all other succeeding processes will remain suspect.
Critics now fear of a ‘cyber-Garci’ as it now appears that Comelec does not have complete control of the system for automation. Comelec should ensure that all steps for automation should be consistent with the Omnibus Election Code, should be compatible with geographical requirements and that safeguards be immediately enacted.
Furthermore, the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) has recently reported that the modems, memory cards, and even pens listed by Smartmatic-TIM have higher prices compared to the market price, according to a 21-page financial proposal that the two entities submitted to the Comelec.
The overpriced P7.2 billion price tag of the Comelec’s new poll automation system adds another scratch to the transparency of the poll preparations. Apart from possible manipulation due to the FG connection, there is also the issue, yet again, of corruption.
Bribery
Perhaps the most blatant forms of corruption involving Arroyo are the cases of bribery in efforts to white-wash investigations and inquiries to quell public dissent.
The most scandalous of these would be exposès by the late Anakpawis Rep. Crispin ‘Ka Bel’ Beltran and Pampanga Gov. Among Ed Panlilio at the height of the third impeachment case against Arroyo. These allegations were further validated by photos of congressmen and officials emerging from Malacanang toting brown paper bags which allegedly carried “cash gifts”:
Cost of bribe attempt to Anakpawis Rep. Crispin ‘Ka Bel’ Beltran – P2 million – P5 million
"Cash gift" given to Pampanga Gov. ‘Among Ed’ Panlilio – P200,000
"Cash gift" given to Manila Rep.Bienvenido Abante – P500,000
"Cash gifts" to 196 other congressmen, governors, mayors (distributed in brown paper bags): P200,000-P500,000
ZTE whistleblower also accused former presidential chief-of-staff Mike Defensor of bribing him with P50,000 to cancel his scheduled press conference exposing the broadband deal.
Junkets
Lately, Arroyo is once again the in hot seat due to her numerous unaccounted for and questionable foreign trips which are reported to have exceeded P3 billion in costs. According to Sen. Chiz Escudero, since 2001, Arroyo has had more than 50 foreign trips which have not been justified in purpose and agenda.
After insisting that Arroyo had no reason to explain her foreign trips, Malacanang immediately released a paid advertisement defending her foreign travels by stating that these junkets bring the country economic gains. Statistics show, however, that foreign direct investments are on a huge decline, from 79.2 percent in the last quarter of 2008 to 85 percent during the first quarter of 2009. Investments in the first quarter of 2009 amounted only to P2.1 billion, still P90 million short of the total amount spent on the junkets.
Arroyo’s foreign trips, at most, have only resulted in more shady dealings and questionable use of public funds, as they are often clandestine, overly lavish and with numerous hand-picked pro-administration solons.
Nine years have cost the country enough
These have done nothing but display the Arroyo administration’s lack of moral ascendancy in imposing sanctions to corrupt wrongdoers. They demonstrate the Arroyo administration’s practice of political expediency in legal and judicial decisions that come as a threat to its tenure.
The Arroyo administration has survived this long precisely for its dependence on treachery and syndicate-like tactics. This government is clearly being run by an administration of bribes, betrayal and blatant corruption.
With the ZTE scam, for instance, we have witnessed thus far how the President employs her Cabinet members and party allies to do the dirty work for her. If these scams and controversies proved anything it is that the Arroyo administration cannot hope to continue with clandestine acts of corruption without eventually being exposed, rotten eggs will surely stink.
And continue to fester. These attempts at bribery prove that however President Arroyo tries to escape involvement, the pure shamelessness of her ilk will eventually catch up with her. The foul smell has reached Malacanang and no amount of denial, flowery declarations of progress and all sorts of white-wash can drive away the stench.
The Arroyo administration is paying a high price for survival but in the process digs itself into a deeper grave. Such is also a characteristic of an administration frantically holding on to power.
Nine years have caused the country enough. ###
The said controversial contract with Venable LPP, one of US’ top law firms, cost $75,000 a month, or $900,000 (P50.4 million) for 12 months. This amount did not include ‘costs for travel, telephone, fax, and copying, etc, and professional services’ of up to $720 per hour for Venable’s senior associates.
The Venable LPP contract did not state why US support for charter change was needed at all, or what specific charter amendments the government needed the firm’s support for. It, however, stipulated the inclusion of lobbying for loans and grants from the US government, particularly assistance to improve the capabilities of the Philippine military and police.
What was most disconcerting, however, was the nature by which the contract was approved. Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita, whose job is to know and manage contracts authorized by the president, initially denied knowledge of the deal. Instead, it was National Security Adviser Norberto Gonzales Jr. who signed the three-page agreement as the authorized representative of the president.
The contract also did not specify which government agency would be paying for Venable’s services. Gonzales’ National Security Council’s budget for 2005 was just P49 million and the agency’s approved intelligence fund was a mere P2 million. Congress did not appropriate funds for it and, according to critics, “charter change does not fall under national security.”
Also, apart from Gonzales, few knew about the existence of the contract. Even Gonzales’ deputies and staff, as well as senior foreign affairs officials, were kept in the dark about the deal.
The contract, done and approved in such haste and secrecy, was signed at a time when the government, which itself admitted, was reeling from a fiscal crisis brought about by an enormous budget deficit and was calling on the public to enforce belt-tightening measures.
Four years later, and with another SONA coming, the Venable LPP contract deal has just become another case of the Arroyo administration getting tangled up in blatant corruption and misuse of public funds but the officials involved escaping accountability by immersing themselves in self-imposed obscurity.
This tactic, with the government admitting to an extent of there being a crime but always with no criminals held accountable, has caused youth disillusionment with the Arroyo administration in the last nine years.
Tongpats and kickbacks
The government has lost its moral ascendancy to govern due to the long list of scandals, electoral fraud and corruption issues that have mired its rule. The Arroyo administration has long ceased to perform as a role model government for the youth. It has caused the widespread disillusionment among young people and has been a disappointment to the youth's desire to instill reforms in government.
Among the most high-profile of controversial deals and overpriced projects were the ZTE Broadband deal, the Joc-Joc Bolante fertilizer scam, the IMPSA (Indistrias Metalurgicas Pescarmona Sociedad Anonima) Hydro-Electric Power Plant deal, the overpriced Diosdado Macapagal Boulevard, the CyberEd project, PAGCOR cash cow, Jancom Environment Contract overpricing, the Ginintuang Masaganang Ani Agricultural Fund which was allegedly used for Arroyo’s election campaign funds, and the distribution of Philhealth cards as Arroyo’s campaign paraphernalia.
These do not yet include misused or unaccounted charity funds, donations for victims of calamities, and other funds of the Office of the President, as attested by the Commission on Audit. Among them:
Cost of undistributed textbooks by the Department of Education – P329 million
Cost of undistributed/unaccounted cash advances for government officials, employees and local government units – P615 milyon or
P77 million for officials
P29.5 million for employess
P508 million for ‘other receivables’
Cost of unaccounted loans disbursed by the Presidential Social Fund (from profits of the Philippine Amusement ang Gaming Corporation or PAGCOR) – P269 milyon or
P216 million for the “Isang Bayan, Isang Produkto, Isang Milyon” project of the Office of the President
P53 million of disbursed loans unaccounted for
Cost of donations and charity funds received by the Office of the President – P65 million or
P7.1 milyon for victims of the Southern Leyte landslide
P35.6 million for the Office of the President's Socio-Economic Projects
P20 million for relief and rehabilitation of Albay
But, these, according to COA were diverted to:
Burial expenses – P795,000
Hotel expenses – P815,000
Beautification of the Malacanang Golf Course – P900,000
Summit conferences – P3 million
Donation to an undisclosed foundation – P4 million
Other questionable transactions include:
Cost of ‘improperly recorded’ funds earmarked for LGUs, government corporations and pro-administration non-government organizations – P112 million
Cost of the President's trust fund named the President Social Fund-Livelihood Assistance Program in the Land Bank of the Philippines – P48.9 million Cost of unaccounted expenses for office supplies acquired by the Office of the President – P70 million
Cost of expenses of the Office of the President submitted as inventory to the COA – P14 million or
P726,339.39 – merchandise
P264,155.15 – drugs, medicines
P152,286.56 – medical, dental, and laboratory supplies
P3,511,843.18 – gasoline, oil, lubricants
P8,788,899.79 – other supplies
P52,474.00 – livestock
Cost of Malacanang's expense accounts for property, plant and equipment (that do not match with COA records) – P950 million
But according to COA -
• “There was no physical count of the Merchandise Inventory and Livestock Inventory since the balances of these were carried in the book s of accounts and non-moving since 2000."
• “Drugs and Medicines Inventory have been immediately issued upon receipt."
• “Gasoline, Oil, and Lubricants Inventory had never been inventoried semi-annually or annually."
• “In the absence of the physical count, the reliability of the balance of inventories is doubtful."
Junior military officers and some military groups have also long expressed discontent over anomalous procurement deals and arrangements which have led to numerous coup attempts and military breakaway groups.
FG connections
Aside from overpriced projects, the First Family, especially First Gentleman Mike Arroyo, has also figured in numerous questionable and immoral businesses such as alleged money-laundering under the Jose Pidal bank account, hidden wealth of the Arroyo family in San Francisco according to Sen. Alan Peter Cayetano, connections to jueteng operations through Jueteng Lord Bong Pineda and other shadowy connections.
The latest of which would be the Smartmatic-TIM poll automation deal approved by the Commission on Elections which is off to tainted start because of the players’ being linked to FG. The FG connection has established a conjecture and instilled public distrust in the players involved.
Comelec should immediately divulge the terms of TIM and Smartmatic’s reconciliation. How did they finally come to terms with the nature of their deal? Until these details are not revealed, all other succeeding processes will remain suspect.
Critics now fear of a ‘cyber-Garci’ as it now appears that Comelec does not have complete control of the system for automation. Comelec should ensure that all steps for automation should be consistent with the Omnibus Election Code, should be compatible with geographical requirements and that safeguards be immediately enacted.
Furthermore, the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) has recently reported that the modems, memory cards, and even pens listed by Smartmatic-TIM have higher prices compared to the market price, according to a 21-page financial proposal that the two entities submitted to the Comelec.
The overpriced P7.2 billion price tag of the Comelec’s new poll automation system adds another scratch to the transparency of the poll preparations. Apart from possible manipulation due to the FG connection, there is also the issue, yet again, of corruption.
Bribery
Perhaps the most blatant forms of corruption involving Arroyo are the cases of bribery in efforts to white-wash investigations and inquiries to quell public dissent.
The most scandalous of these would be exposès by the late Anakpawis Rep. Crispin ‘Ka Bel’ Beltran and Pampanga Gov. Among Ed Panlilio at the height of the third impeachment case against Arroyo. These allegations were further validated by photos of congressmen and officials emerging from Malacanang toting brown paper bags which allegedly carried “cash gifts”:
Cost of bribe attempt to Anakpawis Rep. Crispin ‘Ka Bel’ Beltran – P2 million – P5 million
"Cash gift" given to Pampanga Gov. ‘Among Ed’ Panlilio – P200,000
"Cash gift" given to Manila Rep.Bienvenido Abante – P500,000
"Cash gifts" to 196 other congressmen, governors, mayors (distributed in brown paper bags): P200,000-P500,000
ZTE whistleblower also accused former presidential chief-of-staff Mike Defensor of bribing him with P50,000 to cancel his scheduled press conference exposing the broadband deal.
Junkets
Lately, Arroyo is once again the in hot seat due to her numerous unaccounted for and questionable foreign trips which are reported to have exceeded P3 billion in costs. According to Sen. Chiz Escudero, since 2001, Arroyo has had more than 50 foreign trips which have not been justified in purpose and agenda.
After insisting that Arroyo had no reason to explain her foreign trips, Malacanang immediately released a paid advertisement defending her foreign travels by stating that these junkets bring the country economic gains. Statistics show, however, that foreign direct investments are on a huge decline, from 79.2 percent in the last quarter of 2008 to 85 percent during the first quarter of 2009. Investments in the first quarter of 2009 amounted only to P2.1 billion, still P90 million short of the total amount spent on the junkets.
Arroyo’s foreign trips, at most, have only resulted in more shady dealings and questionable use of public funds, as they are often clandestine, overly lavish and with numerous hand-picked pro-administration solons.
Nine years have cost the country enough
These have done nothing but display the Arroyo administration’s lack of moral ascendancy in imposing sanctions to corrupt wrongdoers. They demonstrate the Arroyo administration’s practice of political expediency in legal and judicial decisions that come as a threat to its tenure.
The Arroyo administration has survived this long precisely for its dependence on treachery and syndicate-like tactics. This government is clearly being run by an administration of bribes, betrayal and blatant corruption.
With the ZTE scam, for instance, we have witnessed thus far how the President employs her Cabinet members and party allies to do the dirty work for her. If these scams and controversies proved anything it is that the Arroyo administration cannot hope to continue with clandestine acts of corruption without eventually being exposed, rotten eggs will surely stink.
And continue to fester. These attempts at bribery prove that however President Arroyo tries to escape involvement, the pure shamelessness of her ilk will eventually catch up with her. The foul smell has reached Malacanang and no amount of denial, flowery declarations of progress and all sorts of white-wash can drive away the stench.
The Arroyo administration is paying a high price for survival but in the process digs itself into a deeper grave. Such is also a characteristic of an administration frantically holding on to power.
Nine years have caused the country enough. ###
Tuesday, June 23, 2009
GMA rhyme and her shameful legacy to the young ones
There is no doubt GMA will be remembered by the young generation.
Like other presidents, she wants to change the constitution.
The very first attempt to shift from presidential to parliamentary was during Fidel V. Ramos's time. He backtracked after gigantic protests took place.
Former President Joseph "Erap" Estrada with his own version called CONCORD or Constitutional Correction for Development likewise proposed to change the constitution. This did not prosper because of people's strong resistance.
Now, as I vividly recall, GMA attempted to change the constitution not just once but four times.
After she successfully cheated her way to Malacañang, she immediately created a body that would propose the necessary revisions on the constitution. This was supported and campaigned by Malacañang mouthpiece Sigaw ng Bayan or People's Initiative by launching a signature drive to gather people's support for a plebiscite.
The Supreme Court junked the proposal amid strong opposition and pressure by a broad number of people against charter change.
Again, in 2006, allied lawmakers pushed for Con-Ass. This was led by former House Speaker Jose de Venecia. Like in previous attempts, militant groups led by BAYAN, church groups, students, and business sectors united and were up in battle against cha-cha.
The third attempt came in the guise of federalism. This was in May 2008. Former Press Secretary Jesus Dureza's words would choke him when he defensively said "Naughty insinuations that she was going for Cha-cha because she wants to extend her term in office prompted the President to make her position clear. She is calling for a constitutional amendment… in order to bring about the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity. Did anyone buy this?
The last and most desperate of all attempts came just a few days before Congress went on recess. Like a lightning that came so swiftly.
Who will not say that these orchestrated acts does not manifest how desperate GMA can get? When in July 2007 GMA jokingly said "Who knows, I might run for Congress!" she received a plethora of criticisms.
It's no joke telling the people you might run again when everyone, even a little child, wants to kick you out of Malacañang. GMA has become so (un)popular among the people that even a rhyme being sung by my three-year old niece goes "Gloriang madaya, pik-pak-bum.."
Blog Action Day
June 25 is Blog Action Day dubbed "KICK HER CON-ASS GOODBYE." It marks yet another cyberspace campaign against GMA's Con-Ass.
The campaign aims at enticing bloggers and social network users (facebook, friendster, plurk and twitter) to write their own blogs or posts, and express in their unique ways their abomination against Gloria's Con-Ass.
Let our collective voices serve to attract more people to protest against Con-Ass. Maximize cyberspace to invite people to protest actions and rallies.
Make your voices heard! Spread the word that will rattle this power-hungry regime.
Saturday, June 20, 2009
Karen and Sherlyn Commemoration Week
Let us commemorate the third anniversary of the involuntary disappearance of UP students Karen Empeño and Sherlyn Cadapan on June 26. read more...
Tuesday, June 16, 2009
Stop Con-Ass. No to Cha-cha.
Sign the online petition now.
We are today’s generation of Filipino youth, young, vibrant and spirited, transcending professions, cultures and boundaries, and to whom the hopes and aspirations for the nation’s future is bequeathed.
Together, we vehemently oppose all attempts by the ruling Arroyo clique and its cronies in Congress to tamper on the Constitution and perpetuate itself in power. We denounce in the strongest possible terms the blatant abuse of power and treachery that have come to characterize this regime.
The shameless display of arrogance and callousness of the Arroyo government sends for all patriotic and freedom-loving young Filipinos to dissent. The signs of times are rallying us to lives of involvement and action.
The youth have always played a pivotal role in ushering in significant changes and junctures in history. We have always been at the forefront of uprisings and revolutions every time the social, political and economic conditions in society become too intolerable for Filipinos to endure.
Today, we have a moral and sacred duty to perform. We cannot remain silent or with our arms crossed. We cannot remain indifferent while our own future as a people and a nation are being compromised for selfish political ambitions. The stakes are too high for us to take a pass.
We are today’s generation of Filipino youth, young, vibrant and spirited, transcending professions, cultures and boundaries, and to whom the hopes and aspirations for the nation’s future is bequeathed.
Together, we vehemently oppose all attempts by the ruling Arroyo clique and its cronies in Congress to tamper on the Constitution and perpetuate itself in power. We denounce in the strongest possible terms the blatant abuse of power and treachery that have come to characterize this regime.
The shameless display of arrogance and callousness of the Arroyo government sends for all patriotic and freedom-loving young Filipinos to dissent. The signs of times are rallying us to lives of involvement and action.
The youth have always played a pivotal role in ushering in significant changes and junctures in history. We have always been at the forefront of uprisings and revolutions every time the social, political and economic conditions in society become too intolerable for Filipinos to endure.
Today, we have a moral and sacred duty to perform. We cannot remain silent or with our arms crossed. We cannot remain indifferent while our own future as a people and a nation are being compromised for selfish political ambitions. The stakes are too high for us to take a pass.
Wednesday, June 3, 2009
Mendoza, Cannes and censorship
Many people observed that acclaimed director Brillante Mendoza's arrival didn't receive much fanfare. This is despite Mendoza's Best Director award (Prix de la mise en scène) at the recently concluded Cannes Film Festival.
Mendoza's film "Kinatay (The Execution of P)" talks about the rape and murder of a prostitute by crooked cops. The film is of much relevance these days. Rape in the Philippines is an offense where the rapist is spared from serving his term in jail. It has become a crime where the victim is afraid to come out in the open for fear of being ridiculed and later on bribed to leave the country.
Despite the film's award-winning status, there's no chance it can be shown in theaters, as lamented by the director himself, due to censorship. Mendoza said he'd rather show his films in schools and universities and other censorship-free zones. Now, even films shown in schools are already a target of censorship.
MTCB
Artists, filmmakers, and advocates are all in a tight battle once again for the passing of House Bill 6425 which seeks to repeal and replace Presidential Decree 1986 which had created the MTRCB. The bill was sponsored by Kabataan Party-list Rep. Raymond Palatino, Gabriela Women's Party-list Rep.Liza Maza, and Bayan Muna Rep.Teodoro Casiño.
To quote GWP Rep. Liza Maza: "It is high time to replace a martial law relic, the Movie and Television Review and Classification Board Act of 2009 (MTRCB) that has long been used as an instrument to curtail the right to freedom of expression, especially socially-relevant and creative works critical of the administration in power."
The bill was crafted to give way to a Board that does not curtail freedom of expression. Please note that most films showing "critical political and social contents," per Rep. Maza's statement, are hit with an “X” rating. It is ironic that the films being rated X are award-winning films. Take for instance Mendoza's films that include Masahista (The Masseur), Foster Child, Tirador (Slingshot), and Serbis, which were all entered in the Cannes Film Festivals. Add to these other filmmakers that made it to international film festivals like Jeffrey Jeturian's 2006 film “Kubrador,” which won for Gina Pareño a best actress trophy.
Censorship's global reach
Equally challenging is the plight of directors bravely facing stiff censorship in their countries. Chinese director Lou Ye, one of the participants in this year's Cannes, was banned in China. Another director named Bahman Gohbadi, though not officially banned, is not allowed to shoot in Iran. It is very unfortunate that most of the films that depict harsh realities in their homelands can't be shown in their respective countries. And while these films can't find the approbation of their governments, they find their more appreciative audience in international film festivals such as Cannes, Berlin and other international festivals.
Mendoza's firm stand on censorship
With the killer censorship board still in the works, there is very little chance the film can be shown in the Philippines.
This does not stop Mendoza from opposing harsh censorship, thus he maintains:
"Only the director has the right to cut films. Not even the producer can suggest cuts, which is happening in the country now. I don't mind if my films are rated X, but I still want them to be shown publicly. I don't intend to show my films in SM, not even Robinson's."
Still objectionable
Editorial
Philippine Daily Inquirer
06/02/2009
The House of Representatives appears to be dead set on passing the controversial right-of-reply bill before it adjourns sine die this week. The measure has been amended by removing a provision that would impose the penalty of imprisonment on violators and by reducing the fines for violations. Now the congressional railroad is ready to pass the measure, despite the strong objection of the media.
Despite the amendments, the right of reply bill remains objectionable. The congressmen seem to have missed the point we made at the very beginning of the discussion of the bill, and so we will say it again: The right of reply is better realized through editorial discretion and voluntary acts rather than statutory dictation through a state entity or process that infringes upon the freedom of the press.
It is best to allow the media to accord the right of reply to people who want to avail themselves of it through existing procedures and venues instead of giving government the power to dictate to the media what they should do. Give government an inch and there’s no telling what it would do to control media. There are already existing procedures and venues in the major newspapers: the office of the ombudsman or readers’ advocate, the letters to the editor section, the correction box of some newspapers, among other things. Complainants can write directly to the senior editors to ask to be given the opportunity to reply to news stories or articles that they consider adverse to them.
For the members of the Philippine Press Institute, there is the Philippine Press Council whose main concern now is to afford news sources and news subjects the right of reply.
Complaining parties can always file libel suits as a last resort.
These venues and procedures are all available in the major newspapers. They are also being adopted by the smaller papers and even by the community newspapers. So, why does government want to have a say in enforcing the right of reply and why does it want to have coercive power in implementing this right?
We reiterate our objection to the right of reply—yes, even to the so-called “watered-down” version—on the following grounds:
1. A right of reply bill would violate the right of journalists under the freedom of the press clause of the Constitution to edit or determine the contents of their publications.
2. A statutory right of reply would have a chilling effect on free speech; it would discourage journalists from commenting on controversial issues when they know they can be coerced to provide free space and free air time for all replies.
3. It would impose a penalty on the basis of the contents of a newspaper. The first phase of the penalty resulting from the compelled printing of a reply is exerted in terms of the cost of printing. It would take away space that could be devoted to other material that the newspaper may have preferred to publish.
4. It would impose the virtue of responsibility on the media. Former Chief Justice Warren Earl Burger of the US Supreme Court said that “[p]ress responsibility is not mandated by the Constitution and like many other virtues, it cannot be legislated. “
5. It would affect not just the traditional media—newspapers, radio and TV—but it could also lead to Internet censorship because it also covers bloggers, websites, e-mail, social networking sites, texters and even iPod users. This was noted by Kabataan party-list Rep. Raymond Palatino last week.
Even if the measure is passed by Congress, it could be a futile exercise because it would be vetoed by President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. The Inquirer reported last Feb. 27 that President Macapagal-Arroyo pledged not to sign any bill curtailing press freedom and suggested that she would veto the controversial right of reply measure if Congress passed it. Similar stories were carried by the Philippine Star, Page 1, Feb. 27; Malaya, Page B14, Feb. 26; and the Manila Times, Page 1, Feb. 27.
If the right of reply bill is passed by Congress, we will hold the President to her promise. If she reneges on her promise, then the press will have no recourse but to wage its fight against the controversial measure all the way to the Supreme Court.
Philippine Daily Inquirer
06/02/2009
The House of Representatives appears to be dead set on passing the controversial right-of-reply bill before it adjourns sine die this week. The measure has been amended by removing a provision that would impose the penalty of imprisonment on violators and by reducing the fines for violations. Now the congressional railroad is ready to pass the measure, despite the strong objection of the media.
Despite the amendments, the right of reply bill remains objectionable. The congressmen seem to have missed the point we made at the very beginning of the discussion of the bill, and so we will say it again: The right of reply is better realized through editorial discretion and voluntary acts rather than statutory dictation through a state entity or process that infringes upon the freedom of the press.
It is best to allow the media to accord the right of reply to people who want to avail themselves of it through existing procedures and venues instead of giving government the power to dictate to the media what they should do. Give government an inch and there’s no telling what it would do to control media. There are already existing procedures and venues in the major newspapers: the office of the ombudsman or readers’ advocate, the letters to the editor section, the correction box of some newspapers, among other things. Complainants can write directly to the senior editors to ask to be given the opportunity to reply to news stories or articles that they consider adverse to them.
For the members of the Philippine Press Institute, there is the Philippine Press Council whose main concern now is to afford news sources and news subjects the right of reply.
Complaining parties can always file libel suits as a last resort.
These venues and procedures are all available in the major newspapers. They are also being adopted by the smaller papers and even by the community newspapers. So, why does government want to have a say in enforcing the right of reply and why does it want to have coercive power in implementing this right?
We reiterate our objection to the right of reply—yes, even to the so-called “watered-down” version—on the following grounds:
1. A right of reply bill would violate the right of journalists under the freedom of the press clause of the Constitution to edit or determine the contents of their publications.
2. A statutory right of reply would have a chilling effect on free speech; it would discourage journalists from commenting on controversial issues when they know they can be coerced to provide free space and free air time for all replies.
3. It would impose a penalty on the basis of the contents of a newspaper. The first phase of the penalty resulting from the compelled printing of a reply is exerted in terms of the cost of printing. It would take away space that could be devoted to other material that the newspaper may have preferred to publish.
4. It would impose the virtue of responsibility on the media. Former Chief Justice Warren Earl Burger of the US Supreme Court said that “[p]ress responsibility is not mandated by the Constitution and like many other virtues, it cannot be legislated. “
5. It would affect not just the traditional media—newspapers, radio and TV—but it could also lead to Internet censorship because it also covers bloggers, websites, e-mail, social networking sites, texters and even iPod users. This was noted by Kabataan party-list Rep. Raymond Palatino last week.
Even if the measure is passed by Congress, it could be a futile exercise because it would be vetoed by President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. The Inquirer reported last Feb. 27 that President Macapagal-Arroyo pledged not to sign any bill curtailing press freedom and suggested that she would veto the controversial right of reply measure if Congress passed it. Similar stories were carried by the Philippine Star, Page 1, Feb. 27; Malaya, Page B14, Feb. 26; and the Manila Times, Page 1, Feb. 27.
If the right of reply bill is passed by Congress, we will hold the President to her promise. If she reneges on her promise, then the press will have no recourse but to wage its fight against the controversial measure all the way to the Supreme Court.
Monday, June 1, 2009
Right of reply bill to cover bloggers
By Philip Tubeza
Philippine Daily Inquirer
First Posted 21:23:00 05/30/2009
MANILA, Philippines--The controversial right of reply bill will not only affect print and broadcast media, but could lead to Internet censorship since it also covers bloggers, “texters” and even iPod users, a party-list lawmaker warned Saturday.
Kabataan party-list Rep. Mong Palatino said the bill’s sponsor in the House, Manila Rep. Bienvenido Abante, admitted during interpellation that House Bill No. 3306 also covers websites, e-mails, Internet social networking sites and other electronic devices in its scope.
Palatino noted that Section 1 of HB 3306 states, “All persons, natural or judicial, who are accused directly or indirectly of committing, having committed, or are criticized by innuendo, suggestion or rumor for any lapse in behavior in public or private life shall have the right to reply to charges or criticisms published in newspapers, magazines, newsletters or publications circulated commercially or for free, or aired or broadcast over radio, television, websites or through any electronic device.”
“The bill, therefore, would not only affect media outfits and journalists but also all website owners, website masters, e-mail account holders and other netizens who are not necessarily media practitioners,” said Palatino who has been a blogger since 2004.
He said the bill would affect “the more than five million bloggers and millions more of Internet users in the country.”
“My fear is that when this bill comes to law, it will be used to regulate the content of the Internet, when we are checking our e-mails, when we open our Friendster or Facebook accounts, when we are checking our websites. Does this mean that we will be compelled to moderate, modify or edit our personal websites? Is this not Internet censorship and suppression of freedom of speech and expression?” Palatino said.
“Does this mean that whenever a criticism is published in these venues a person can use the Right of Reply to compel a blogger or moderator of a social networking site to publish a space or a reply for that person? Or when an individual decides to copy or repost an article from a news website in his or her personal blog, and in the future the said article becomes a subject of this Right of Reply, will he or she be sanctioned or fined also?” he said.
In reply, Abante said the bill would be defined more clearly through its implementing rules and regulations (IRR).
“Primarily, this bill refers to media publications and practitioners. I would think it will be defined more on the IRR,” he said.
But Palatino said that Congress should just remove the line “any electronic device” in the bill’s first section. The bill is still up for amendments in the House.
“Again, this would affect more than 60 million mobile phone users and iPod owners in the country,” Palatino said.
Palatino said he would oppose the right of reply bill on the grounds that it violates the freedom of the press and the public’s freedom of speech and expression. He also said he was not amenable even to a “watered down” version of the bill because it merely “renders the Right of Reply pointless.”
He also encouraged bloggers, netizens, texters and concerned youth to register their opposition to the “apparent railroading of the bill in Congress.”
Why We Can't See the Trees or the Forest (The Torture Memos and Historical Amnesia)
To say that Noam Chomsky is a great writer is an understatement. Wikipedia aptly describes him as a widely known "political dissident"and a libertarian socialist intellectual.
I was introduced to Chomsky through his numerous books on linguistics - he being the father of modern linguistics - but more to that, he is anti-imperialist, anti-war and anti-US hegemony.
By Noam Chomsky
The torture memos released by the White House elicited shock, indignation, and surprise. The shock and indignation are understandable. The surprise, less so.
For one thing, even without inquiry, it was reasonable to suppose that Guantanamo was a torture chamber. Why else send prisoners where they would be beyond the reach of the law -- a place, incidentally, that Washington is using in violation of a treaty forced on Cuba at the point of a gun? Security reasons were, of course, alleged, but they remain hard to take seriously. The same expectations held for the Bush administration's "black sites," or secret prisons, and for extraordinary rendition, and they were fulfilled.
More importantly, torture has been routinely practiced from the early days of the conquest of the national territory, and continued to be used as the imperial ventures of the "infant empire" -- as George Washington called the new republic -- extended to the Philippines, Haiti, and elsewhere. Keep in mind as well that torture was the least of the many crimes of aggression, terror, subversion, and economic strangulation that have darkened U.S. history, much as in the case of other great powers.
Accordingly, what's surprising is to see the reactions to the release of those Justice Department memos, even by some of the most eloquent and forthright critics of Bush malfeasance: Paul Krugman, for example, writing that we used to be "a nation of moral ideals" and never before Bush "have our leaders so utterly betrayed everything our nation stands for." To say the least, that common view reflects a rather slanted version of American history.
Occasionally the conflict between "what we stand for" and "what we do" has been forthrightly addressed. One distinguished scholar who undertook the task at hand was Hans Morgenthau, a founder of realist international relations theory. In a classic study published in 1964 in the glow of Camelot, Morgenthau developed the standard view that the U.S. has a "transcendent purpose": establishing peace and freedom at home and indeed everywhere, since "the arena within which the United States must defend and promote its purpose has become world-wide." But as a scrupulous scholar, he also recognized that the historical record was radically inconsistent with that "transcendent purpose."
We should not be misled by that discrepancy, advised Morgenthau; we should not "confound the abuse of reality with reality itself." Reality is the unachieved "national purpose" revealed by "the evidence of history as our minds reflect it." What actually happened was merely the "abuse of reality."
The release of the torture memos led others to recognize the problem. In the New York Times, columnist Roger Cohen reviewed a new book, The Myth of American Exceptionalism, by British journalist Geoffrey Hodgson, who concludes that the U.S. is "just one great, but imperfect, country among others." Cohen agrees that the evidence supports Hodgson's judgment, but nonetheless regards as fundamentally mistaken Hodgson's failure to understand that "America was born as an idea, and so it has to carry that idea forward." The American idea is revealed in the country's birth as a "city on a hill," an "inspirational notion" that resides "deep in the American psyche," and by "the distinctive spirit of American individualism and enterprise" demonstrated in the Western expansion. Hodgson's error, it seems, is that he is keeping to "the distortions of the American idea," "the abuse of reality."
Let us then turn to "reality itself": the "idea" of America from its earliest days.
"Come Over and Help Us"
The inspirational phrase "city on a hill" was coined by John Winthrop in 1630, borrowing from the Gospels, and outlining the glorious future of a new nation "ordained by God." One year earlier his Massachusetts Bay Colony created its Great Seal. It depicted an Indian with a scroll coming out of his mouth. On that scroll are the words "Come over and help us." The British colonists were thus pictured as benevolent humanists, responding to the pleas of the miserable natives to be rescued from their bitter pagan fate.
The Great Seal is, in fact, a graphic representation of "the idea of America," from its birth. It should be exhumed from the depths of the psyche and displayed on the walls of every classroom. It should certainly appear in the background of all of the Kim Il-Sung-style worship of that savage murderer and torturer Ronald Reagan, who blissfully described himself as the leader of a "shining city on the hill," while orchestrating some of the more ghastly crimes of his years in office, notoriously in Central America but elsewhere as well.
The Great Seal was an early proclamation of "humanitarian intervention," to use the currently fashionable phrase. As has commonly been the case since, the "humanitarian intervention" led to a catastrophe for the alleged beneficiaries. The first Secretary of War, General Henry Knox, described "the utter extirpation of all the Indians in most populous parts of the Union" by means "more destructive to the Indian natives than the conduct of the conquerors of Mexico and Peru."
Long after his own significant contributions to the process were past, John Quincy Adams deplored the fate of "that hapless race of native Americans, which we are exterminating with such merciless and perfidious cruelty… among the heinous sins of this nation, for which I believe God will one day bring [it] to judgement." The "merciless and perfidious cruelty" continued until "the West was won." Instead of God's judgment, the heinous sins today bring only praise for the fulfillment of the American "idea."
The conquest and settling of the West indeed showed that "individualism and enterprise," so praised by Roger Cohen. Settler-colonialist enterprises, the cruelest form of imperialism, commonly do. The results were hailed by the respected and influential Senator Henry Cabot Lodge in 1898. Calling for intervention in Cuba, Lodge lauded our record "of conquest, colonization, and territorial expansion unequalled by any people in the 19th century," and urged that it is "not to be curbed now," as the Cubans too were pleading, in the Great Seal's words, "come over and help us."
Their plea was answered. The U.S. sent troops, thereby preventing Cuba's liberation from Spain and turning it into a virtual colony, as it remained until 1959.
The "American idea" was illustrated further by the remarkable campaign, initiated by the Eisenhower administration virtually at once to restore Cuba to its proper place, after Fidel Castro entered Havana in January 1959, finally liberating the island from foreign domination, with enormous popular support, as Washington ruefully conceded. What followed was economic warfare with the clearly articulated aim of punishing the Cuban population so that they would overthrow the disobedient Castro government, invasion, the dedication of the Kennedy brothers to bringing "the terrors of the earth" to Cuba (the phrase of historian Arthur Schlesinger in his biography of Robert Kennedy, who considered that task one of his highest priorities), and other crimes continuing to the present, in defiance of virtually unanimous world opinion.
American imperialism is often traced to the takeover of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Hawaii in 1898. But that is to succumb to what historian of imperialism Bernard Porter calls "the saltwater fallacy," the idea that conquest only becomes imperialism when it crosses saltwater. Thus, if the Mississippi had resembled the Irish Sea, Western expansion would have been imperialism. From George Washington to Henry Cabot Lodge, those engaged in the enterprise had a clearer grasp of just what they were doing.
After the success of humanitarian intervention in Cuba in 1898, the next step in the mission assigned by Providence was to confer "the blessings of liberty and civilization upon all the rescued peoples" of the Philippines (in the words of the platform of Lodge's Republican party) -- at least those who survived the murderous onslaught and widespread use of torture and other atrocities that accompanied it. These fortunate souls were left to the mercies of the U.S.-established Philippine constabulary within a newly devised model of colonial domination, relying on security forces trained and equipped for sophisticated modes of surveillance, intimidation, and violence. Similar models would be adopted in many other areas where the U.S. imposed brutal National Guards and other client forces.
The Torture Paradigm
Over the past 60 years, victims worldwide have endured the CIA's "torture paradigm," developed at a cost that reached $1 billion annually, according to historian Alfred McCoy in his book A Question of Torture. He shows how torture methods the CIA developed from the 1950s surfaced with little change in the infamous photos at Iraq's Abu Ghraib prison. There is no hyperbole in the title of Jennifer Harbury's penetrating study of the U.S. torture record: Truth, Torture, and the American Way. So it is highly misleading, to say the least, when investigators of the Bush gang's descent into the global sewers lament that "in waging the war against terrorism, America had lost its way."
None of this is to say that Bush-Cheney-Rumsfeld et al. did not introduce important innovations. In ordinary American practice, torture was largely farmed out to subsidiaries, not carried out by Americans directly in their own government-established torture chambers. As Allan Nairn, who has carried out some of the most revealing and courageous investigations of torture, points out: "What the Obama [ban on torture] ostensibly knocks off is that small percentage of torture now done by Americans while retaining the overwhelming bulk of the system's torture, which is done by foreigners under U.S. patronage. Obama could stop backing foreign forces that torture, but he has chosen not to do so."
Obama did not shut down the practice of torture, Nairn observes, but "merely repositioned it," restoring it to the American norm, a matter of indifference to the victims. "[H]is is a return to the status quo ante," writes Nairn, "the torture regime of Ford through Clinton, which, year by year, often produced more U.S.-backed strapped-down agony than was produced during the Bush/Cheney years."
Sometimes the American engagement in torture was even more indirect. In a 1980 study, Latin Americanist Lars Schoultz found that U.S. aid "has tended to flow disproportionately to Latin American governments which torture their citizens,... to the hemisphere's relatively egregious violators of fundamental human rights." Broader studies by Edward Herman found the same correlation, and also suggested an explanation. Not surprisingly, U.S. aid tends to correlate with a favorable climate for business operations, commonly improved by the murder of labor and peasant organizers and human rights activists and other such actions, yielding a secondary correlation between aid and egregious violation of human rights.
These studies took place before the Reagan years, when the topic was not worth studying because the correlations were so clear.
Small wonder that President Obama advises us to look forward, not backward -- a convenient doctrine for those who hold the clubs. Those who are beaten by them tend to see the world differently, much to our annoyance.
Adopting Bush's Positions
An argument can be made that implementation of the CIA's "torture paradigm" never violated the 1984 Torture Convention, at least as Washington interpreted it. McCoy points out that the highly sophisticated CIA paradigm developed at enormous cost in the 1950s and 1960s, based on the "KGB's most devastating torture technique," kept primarily to mental torture, not crude physical torture, which was considered less effective in turning people into pliant vegetables.
McCoy writes that the Reagan administration then carefully revised the International Torture Convention "with four detailed diplomatic 'reservations' focused on just one word in the convention's 26-printed pages," the word "mental." He continues: "These intricately-constructed diplomatic reservations re-defined torture, as interpreted by the United States, to exclude sensory deprivation and self-inflicted pain -- the very techniques the CIA had refined at such great cost."
When Clinton sent the UN Convention to Congress for ratification in 1994, he included the Reagan reservations. The president and Congress therefore exempted the core of the CIA torture paradigm from the U.S. interpretation of the Torture Convention; and those reservations, McCoy observes, were "reproduced verbatim in domestic legislation enacted to give legal force to the UN Convention." That is the "political land mine" that "detonated with such phenomenal force" in the Abu Ghraib scandal and in the shameful Military Commissions Act that was passed with bipartisan support in 2006.
Bush, of course, went beyond his predecessors in authorizing prima facie violations of international law, and several of his extremist innovations were struck down by the Courts. While Obama, like Bush, eloquently affirms our unwavering commitment to international law, he seems intent on substantially reinstating the extremist Bush measures. In the important case of Boumediene v. Bush in June 2008, the Supreme Court rejected as unconstitutional the Bush administration claim that prisoners in Guantanamo are not entitled to the right of habeas corpus.
Salon.com columnist Glenn Greenwald reviews the aftermath. Seeking to "preserve the power to abduct people from around the world" and imprison them without due process, the Bush administration decided to ship them to the U.S. prison at Bagram Air Base in Afghanistan, treating "the Boumediene ruling, grounded in our most basic constitutional guarantees, as though it was some sort of a silly game -- fly your abducted prisoners to Guantanamo and they have constitutional rights, but fly them instead to Bagram and you can disappear them forever with no judicial process."
Obama adopted the Bush position, "filing a brief in federal court that, in two sentences, declared that it embraced the most extremist Bush theory on this issue," arguing that prisoners flown to Bagram from anywhere in the world (in the case in question, Yemenis and Tunisians captured in Thailand and the United Arab Emirates) "can be imprisoned indefinitely with no rights of any kind -- as long as they are kept in Bagram rather than Guantanamo."
In March, however, a Bush-appointed federal judge "rejected the Bush/Obama position and held that the rationale of Boumediene applies every bit as much to Bagram as it does to Guantanamo." The Obama administration announced that it would appeal the ruling, thus placing Obama's Department of Justice, Greenwald concludes, "squarely to the Right of an extremely conservative, pro-executive-power, Bush 43-appointed judge on issues of executive power and due-process-less detentions," in radical violation of Obama's campaign promises and earlier stands.
The case of Rasul v. Rumsfeld appears to be following a similar trajectory. The plaintiffs charged that Rumsfeld and other high officials were responsible for their torture in Guantanamo, where they were sent after being captured by Uzbeki warlord Rashid Dostum. The plaintiffs claimed that they had traveled to Afghanistan to offer humanitarian relief. Dostum, a notorious thug, was then a leader of the Northern Alliance, the Afghan faction supported by Russia, Iran, India, Turkey, and the Central Asian states, and the U.S. as it attacked Afghanistan in October 2001.
Dostum turned them over to U.S. custody, allegedly for bounty money. The Bush administration sought to have the case dismissed. Recently, Obama's Department of Justice filed a brief supporting the Bush position that government officials are not liable for torture and other violations of due process, on the grounds that the Courts had not yet clearly established the rights that prisoners enjoy.
It is also reported that the Obama administration intends to revive military commissions, one of the more severe violations of the rule of law during the Bush years. There is a reason, according to William Glaberson of the New York Times: "Officials who work on the Guantanamo issue say administration lawyers have become concerned that they would face significant obstacles to trying some terrorism suspects in federal courts. Judges might make it difficult to prosecute detainees who were subjected to brutal treatment or for prosecutors to use hearsay evidence gathered by intelligence agencies." A serious flaw in the criminal justice system, it appears.
Creating Terrorists
There is still much debate about whether torture has been effective in eliciting information -- the assumption being, apparently, that if it is effective, then it may be justified. By the same argument, when Nicaragua captured U.S. pilot Eugene Hasenfuss in 1986, after shooting down his plane delivering aid to U.S.-supported Contra forces, they should not have tried him, found him guilty, and then sent him back to the U.S., as they did. Instead, they should have applied the CIA torture paradigm to try to extract information about other terrorist atrocities being planned and implemented in Washington, no small matter for a tiny, impoverished country under terrorist attack by the global superpower.
By the same standards, if the Nicaraguans had been able to capture the chief terrorism coordinator, John Negroponte, then U.S. ambassador in Honduras (later appointed as the first Director of National Intelligence, essentially counterterrorism czar, without eliciting a murmur), they should have done the same. Cuba would have been justified in acting similarly, had the Castro government been able to lay hands on the Kennedy brothers. There is no need to bring up what their victims should have done to Henry Kissinger, Ronald Reagan, and other leading terrorist commanders, whose exploits leave al-Qaeda in the dust, and who doubtless had ample information that could have prevented further "ticking bomb" attacks.
Such considerations never seem to arise in public discussion.
There is, to be sure, a response: our terrorism, even if surely terrorism, is benign, deriving as it does from the city on the hill.
Perhaps culpability would be greater, by prevailing moral standards, if it were discovered that Bush administration torture had cost American lives. That is, in fact, the conclusion drawn by Major Matthew Alexander [a pseudonym], one of the most seasoned U.S. interrogators in Iraq, who elicited "the information that led to the US military being able to locate Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the head of al-Qa'ida in Iraq," correspondent Patrick Cockburn reports.
Alexander expresses only contempt for the Bush administration's harsh interrogation methods: "The use of torture by the U.S.," he believes, not only elicits no useful information but "has proved so counter-productive that it may have led to the death of as many U.S. soldiers as civilians killed in 9/11." From hundreds of interrogations, Alexander discovered that foreign fighters came to Iraq in reaction to the abuses at Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib, and that they and their domestic allies turned to suicide bombing and other terrorist acts for the same reasons.
There is also mounting evidence that the torture methods Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld encouraged created terrorists. One carefully studied case is that of Abdallah al-Ajmi, who was locked up in Guantanamo on the charge of "engaging in two or three fire fights with the Northern Alliance." He ended up in Afghanistan after having failed to reach Chechnya to fight against the Russians.
After four years of brutal treatment in Guantanamo, he was returned to Kuwait. He later found his way to Iraq and, in March 2008, drove a bomb-laden truck into an Iraqi military compound, killing himself and 13 soldiers -- "the single most heinous act of violence committed by a former Guantanamo detainee," according to the Washington Post, and according to his lawyer, the direct result of his abusive imprisonment.
All much as a reasonable person would expect.
Unexceptional Americans
Another standard pretext for torture is the context: the "war on terror" that Bush declared after 9/11. A crime that rendered traditional international law "quaint" and "obsolete" -- so George W. Bush was advised by his legal counsel Alberto Gonzales, later appointed Attorney General. The doctrine has been widely reiterated in one form or another in commentary and analysis.
The 9/11 attack was doubtless unique in many respects. One is where the guns were pointing: typically it is in the opposite direction. In fact, it was the first attack of any consequence on the national territory of the United States since the British burned down Washington in 1814.
Another unique feature was the scale of terror perpetrated by a non-state actor.
Horrifying as it was, however, it could have been worse. Suppose that the perpetrators had bombed the White House, killed the president, and established a vicious military dictatorship that killed 50,000 to 100,000 people and tortured 700,000, set up a huge international terror center that carried out assassinations and helped impose comparable military dictatorships elsewhere, and implemented economic doctrines that so radically dismantled the economy that the state had to virtually take it over a few years later.
That would indeed have been far worse than September 11, 2001. And it happened in Salvador Allende's Chile in what Latin Americans often call "the first 9/11" in 1973. (The numbers above were changed to per-capita U.S. equivalents, a realistic way of measuring crimes.) Responsibility for the military coup against Allende can be traced straight back to Washington. Accordingly, the otherwise quite appropriate analogy is out of consciousness here in the U.S., while the facts are consigned to the "abuse of reality" that the naïve call "history."
It should also be recalled that Bush did not declare the "war on terror," he re-declared it. Twenty years earlier, President Reagan's administration came into office declaring that a centerpiece of its foreign policy would be a war on terror, "the plague of the modern age" and "a return to barbarism in our time" -- to sample the fevered rhetoric of the day.
That first U.S. war on terror has also been deleted from historical consciousness, because the outcome cannot readily be incorporated into the canon: hundreds of thousands slaughtered in the ruined countries of Central America and many more elsewhere, among them an estimated 1.5 million dead in the terrorist wars sponsored in neighboring countries by Reagan's favored ally, apartheid South Africa, which had to defend itself from Nelson Mandela's African National Congress (ANC), one of the world's "more notorious terrorist groups," as Washington determined in 1988. In fairness, it should be added that, 20 years later, Congress voted to remove the ANC from the list of terrorist organizations, so that Mandela is now, at last, able to enter the U.S. without obtaining a waiver from the government.
The reigning doctrine of the country is sometimes called "American exceptionalism." It is nothing of the sort. It is probably close to a universal habit among imperial powers. France was hailing its "civilizing mission" in its colonies, while the French Minister of War called for "exterminating the indigenous population" of Algeria. Britain's nobility was a "novelty in the world," John Stuart Mill declared, while urging that this angelic power delay no longer in completing its liberation of India.
Similarly, there is no reason to doubt the sincerity of Japanese militarists in the 1930s, who were bringing an "earthly paradise" to China under benign Japanese tutelage, as they carried out the rape of Nanking and their "burn all, loot all, kill all" campaigns in rural North China. History is replete with similar glorious episodes.
As long as such "exceptionalist" theses remain firmly implanted, however, the occasional revelations of the "abuse of history" often backfire, serving only to efface terrible crimes. The My Lai massacre was a mere footnote to the vastly greater atrocities of the post-Tet pacification programs, ignored while indignation in this country was largely focused on this single crime.
Watergate was doubtless criminal, but the furor over it displaced incomparably worse crimes at home and abroad, including the FBI-organized assassination of black organizer Fred Hampton as part of the infamous COINTELPRO repression, or the bombing of Cambodia, to mention just two egregious examples. Torture is hideous enough; the invasion of Iraq was a far worse crime. Quite commonly, selective atrocities have this function.
Historical amnesia is a dangerous phenomenon, not only because it undermines moral and intellectual integrity, but also because it lays the groundwork for crimes that still lie ahead.
Noam Chomsky is Institute Professor (retired) at MIT. He is the author of many books and articles on international affairs and social-political issues, and a long-time participant in activist movements. [Note: A slightly longer version of this piece, fully footnoted, will be posted at Chomsky.info within 48 hours.]
Copyright 2009 Noam Chomsky
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